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BRIEFS  FOR  DEBATE 


BRIEFS  FOR  DEBATE 


CURRENT  POLITICAL,  ECONOMIC,  AND 
SOCIAL  TOPICS 


EDITED  BY 

W.  DU  BOIS  BROOKINGS,  A.B. 

OF  THE  HARVARD  LAW  SCHOOL 
AND 

RALPH  CURTIS  RINGWALT,  A.Bo 

ASSISTANT  IN  RHETORIC  IN  COLUMBIA  UNIVERSITY 


WITH  AN  INTRODUCTION  BY 

ALBERT  BUSHNELL  HART,  Ph.D. 

PROFESSOR  OF  HARVARD  UNIVERSITY 


NEW  YORK 
LONGMANS,  GREEN,  AND  CO. 
LONDON  AND  BOMBAY 
1899 


Copyright,  1895,  by 
LONGMANS,  GREEN,  AND  CO. 

All  Rights  Reserved 


First  Edition,  September,  1896 
Reprinted,  January,  and  October,  1897 

MAY,l899 


t  op.  5 


PREFACE. 

In  preparing  this  volume  the  editors  have  had  a  threefold 
object  in  view.  They  have  aimed  :  (i)  to  furnish  a  text- 
book for  formal  courses  in  public  speaking  and  discussion  ; 
(2)  to  provide  a  manual  for  literary  and  debating  societies  ; 
and  (3)  to  give  the  ordinary  worker,  not  a  specialist  in  the 
subjects  treated,  suggestion  and  assistance.  The  value  of  the 
book  for  these  three  classes  must  lie  chiefly  in  the  fact  that  it 
states  concisely  the  principal  arguments,  J^ro  and  con,  on  a 
large  number  of  the  important  topics  of  the  day ;  that  it  pre- 
sents working  bibliographies  on  these  topics ;  and  that  it  gives 
examples  of  logical  statement,  and  may  suggest  a  systematic 
method  for  the  treatment  of  other  topics. 

The  basis  of  the  work  has  been  a  collection  of  some  two 
hundred  briefs  prepared  during  the  past  ten  years  by  students 
in  Harvard  University,  under  the  direction  of  instructors.  Of 
these  briefs  the  most  useful  and  interesting  have  been  selected  ; 
the  material  has  been  carefully  worked  over,  and  the  bibliog- 
raphies enlarged  and  verified.  A  number  of  new  topics,  as 
well  as  a  list  of  questions  suitable  for  debate,  have  been 
added  ;  and  the  whole  has  been  made  uniform  in  treatment. 
It  should  be  said,  however,  that  the  lists  of  references  are 
by  no  means  exhaustive,  and  that  many  of  the  smallest  sub- 
divisions may  be  made  subjects  for  separate  and  detailed 
discussion. 


673043 


vi 


PREFACE. 


In  the  progress  of  their  work  the  editors  have  become  greatly 
indebted  to  many  friends.  Especially  are  they  under  obliga- 
tion to  Professor  Hart,  who,  besides  furnishing  the  Introduc- 
tion, has  given  them  unfailing  counsel  and  assistance.  They 
also  wish  to  acknowledge  the  constant  favors  which  they  have 
received  from  Mr.  Thomas  J.  Kiernan,  the  Superintendent  of 
Circulation  in  the  Harvard  College  Library. 

W.DU  B.B., 
R.  C.  R. 

August  I,  1896. 


CONTENTS. 


INTRODUCTION. 
THE  ART  OF  DEBATE. 


PAGE 

1.  Purpose  of  the  Briefs  for  Debate,   xi 

2.  Importance  of  Debate,   xii 

3.  Selection  of  a  Question,   xv 

4.  Materials,   xviii 

5.  Use  of  Materials,   xxiii 

6.  The  Brief  System,   xxv 

7.  Practice  before  Debate,   xxviii 

8.  Management  of  a  Debate,   xxx 

9.  Rebuttal,  •       •       •       .  xxxiv 

10.  Persuasive  Speaking,   xxxv 

11.  Criticism  of  Debates,     .       •   xxxix 

12.  Bibliography  of  Debating,     .  xli 


BRIEFS  FOR  DEBATE. 


POLITICS. 

SUFFRAGE. 

I.  Federal  Control  of  National  Elections,    ....  I 

II.  Federal  Protection  of  Negro  Suffrage,     .       .       •       .  3 

III.  Disfranchisement  of  the  Negroes,    .       .       .       ,       •  6 

IV.  Woman  Suffrage,   8 

V.  A  Property  Qualification  for  Municipal  Suffrage,     .  .II 


viii  CONTENTS. 

PARTIES.  PAGE 

VI.  The  Republican  Party,  13 

VII.  The  Populist  Party,   16 

VIII.  The  American  Protective  Association,        .       .       •  19 

IX.  Party  Allegiance,   22 

X.  Party  Allegiance  in  Municipal  Elections,    .       .       »  24 

POLITICAL  METHODS. 

XI.  The  Caucus  System,  27 

XII.  The  Choice  of  Presidential  Electors,  .       .       .  .30 

XIII.  Popular  Election  of  Senators,  32 

XIV.  District  Election  of  Congressmen,  .  .  .  .36 
XV.  Cabinet  and  Congressional  Governments,    ,       •  •37 

XVI.  Cabinet  Ministers  in  Congress,   .       .       .       .  .40 

XVII.  Civil  Service  Reform,  44 

XVIII.  The  English  System  of  Preventing  Election  Frauds,  .  47 
XIX.  The  Executive  Power  of  the  Mayor  in  Cities,     .       ,  49 

INSTITUTIONS. 

XX.  Danger  to  Free  Institutions  in  the  United  States,       .  52 

XXL  The  Jury  System,   55 

XXII.  Capital  Punishment,   57 

NATIONAL  POLICY  (FOREIGN). 

XXIII.  The  Annexation  of  Canada,   59 

XXIV.  The  Annexation  of  Hawaii,   62 

XXV.  United  States  Ownership  of  the  Nicaragua  Canal,      .  65 

NATIONAL  POLICY  (DOMESTIC). 

XXVI.  Restriction  of  Immigration,   68 

XXVII.  A  Tax  on  Immigrants,   70 

XXVIII.  The  Exclusion  of  the  Chinese,   73 

XXIX.  The  Pension  Policy,   75 

XXX.  Increase  of  the  Navy,   78 

XXXI.  An  International  Copyright  Law,       .       •       •  .80 

PARLIAMENTARY  PROCEDURE. 

XXXII.  Closure  in  the  Senate,  83 

XXXIII.  The  Counting  of  a  Quorum,  85 


CONTENTS.  ix 

ECONOMICS. 

CURRENCY.  PAGE 

XXXIV.  An  International  Gold  Standard,       •       ...  88 
XXXV.  Bimetallism  in  the  United  States,       .       .       .  .90 

XXXVI.  The  Tax  on  State  Bank-notes,   93 

TARIFF. 

XXXVII.  Protection  and  Free  Trade,   96 

XXXVIII.  The  Tariff  and  Wages,   99 

XXXIX.  Reciprocity  with  Canada,   102 

XL.  Free  Ships,   104 

XLI.  Shipping  Subsidies,   107 

XLII.  Free  Sugar,   no 

XLIII.  Sugar  Bounties,   112 

XLIV.  Duties  on  Wool  and  Woollens,   115 

TAXATION. 

XLV.  A  National  Income  Tax,   117 

XLVI.  A  Single  Tax,   120 

SOCIOLOGY. 

GOVERNMENT  INTERVENTION. 

XLVII.  Government  Ownership  of  Railroads,        .       .       •  123 

XLVIII.  Government  Ownership  of  the  Telegraph,        ,       .  126 

XLIX.  State  Ownership  of  Manufactories,   ....  129 

L.  Municipal  Ownership  of  Natural  Monopolies,    .       .  132 

LI.  The  Prohibition  of  Trusts,   134 

LII.  The  Prohibition  of  Railroad  Pooling,       .       .       .  137 

LIII.  State  Control  of  Education,      .....  139 

LIV.  Federal  Control  of  Divorce,   142 

LV.  Government  Construction  of  Irrigation  Works,  .       .  144 

LVI.  Federal  Control  of  Quarantine,  .....  146 

LVII.  The  Right  to  Prohibit  the  Sale  of  Oleomargarine,     .  149 

LABOR. 

LVI  1 1.  Labor  Organizations,   151 

LIX.  A  Labor  Party,   154 

LX.  The  Eight-hour  Day,   156 

LXI.  General  Booth's  Employment  System,       »       •       .  160 


X 


CONTENTS. 


PAGE 

LXII.  A  National  Board  of  Arbitration  for  Railroad  Disputes,  162 


LXIII.  The  Contract  System  of  Employing  Convict  Labor,      .  165 

LXIV.  Municipal  Aid  for  the  Unemployed,     ....  168 

LXV.  The  Housing  of  the  Poor,  .170 

LIQUOR. 

LXVL  Prohibition  and  High  License,   172 

LXVII.  The  Gothenburg  Liquor  System,   176 

EDUCATION. 

LXVni.  Co-education,   178 

LXIX.  A  Three  Years'  Course  for  the  A.B.  Degree,       .       .  181 

LXX.  Intercollegiate  Foot-ball,   184 

MISCELLANEOUS. 

LXXI.  Irish  Home  Rule,   187 

LXXII.  Parnell  and  the  Irish  Cause,   190 

LXXIII.  The  China-Japan  War,   192 

LXXIV.  Nihilism,   195 

LXXV.  The  Injunctions  Against  the  Chicago  Strikers,     •       ,  197 

ADDITIONAL  TOPICS  FOR  DEBATE. 

Politics,   200 

Economics,   203 

Sociology,   206 

Miscellaneous,   208 

Index,  o   211 


* 


INTRODUCTION 


THE  ART  OF  DEBATE* 

I.  Purpose  of  the  Briefs  for  Debate. 

To  the  building  up  of  systematic  discussion,  intelligently 
conducted,  Mr.  Brookings  and  Mr.  Ringwalt  have  given  the 
labor  and  thought  embodied  in  this  book.  They  aim  to  aid 
debaters  to  choose  interesting  and  debatable  questions ;  they 
furnish  a  starting  point  for  the  collection  of  material  on  cur- 
rent topics ;  and  they  print  a  set  of  model  briefs  which  may 
illustrate  cogent  statement.  They  had  at  the  beginning  a  col- 
lection of  about  two  hundred  briefs  which  had  been  prepared 
by  as  many  student  hands,  under  the  direction  of  elders  j  out 
of  these  they  have  selected  the  most  important  subjects,  have 
condensed,  restated,  and  added  new  topics,  and  have  verified, 
corrected  and  completed  the  references.  That  work  has  been 
their  own,  and  for  the  matter,  arrangement  and  citations, 
they  have  full  responsibility. 

The  set  of  seventy-five  briefs  is  intended  first  of  all  to  give 
concise  information  about  the  lines  of  argument  which  have 
been  worked  out  by  actual  investigators  on  actual  subjects ;  on 
each  topic  therefore  the  authors  show  the  principal  planes  of 
logical  cleavage.  They  have  not  attempted  to  make  any  state- 
ment of  facts  to  be  a  groundwork,  but  through  their  panoply 
of  painstaking  references,  they  lead  the  inquirer  to  first-hand 
sources,  and  to  the  principal  printed  treatises  and  special  dis- 
cussions.   This  short  cut  will  not  release  the  truth-seeker  from 

*  Copyright,  1896,  by  Longmans,  Green,  and  Co. 

xi 


xii  ART  OF  DEBATE. 

the  necessity  of  thinking  for  himself,  but  it  will  diminish  the 
mechanical  part  of  his  labor,  and  set  free  more  time  for  draw- 
ing the  meaning  out  of  the  facts  thus  so  readily  found. 

On  the  important  subjects  of  proper  statement,  analysis  and 
interweaving  of  argument,  they  have  given  not  precept  but 
example.  Each  of  the  briefs  is  made  up  by  separating  out  the 
single  detailed  arguments,  and  then  combining  them  into 
connected  groups  ;  it  is  the  bookkeeping  of  argument,  the 
journalizing  and  ledger  posting.  It  is  not  expected  that  for- 
mal arguments  will  be  shrunk  upon  these  skeletons  :  the  de- 
bater needs  to  make  his  own  brief — but  he  has  here  working 
models,  suggestive  on  the  topics  treated,  and  equally  useful  as 
showing  the  system  which  may  be  applied  to  any  subject. 

The  briefs  are  therefore  a  guide  to  two  of  the  essentials  of 
discussion — control  of  the  material ;  and  marshalling  of  the 
arguments — but  they  contain  no  hint  as  to  how  a  man  may  best 
phrase,  speak  and  illustrate  what  he  has  learned.  Though 
the  experience  of  the  authors  would  make  their  suggestions  on 
such  points  valuable,  they  have  chosen  to  ask  one  of  their 
friends  to  prefix  to  their  volume  some  consideration  of  this 
other  phase  of  the  matter — of  the  translation  of  the  inner 
thought  into  an  argument  which  will  convince.  That  request 
is  the  occasion  of  this  introduction. 

2.  Importance  of  Debate. 

If  there  be  a  form  of  human  expression  which  more  than 
any  other  requires  and  calls  out  the  whole  force  of  him 
who  employs  it,  it  is  the  art  of  the  persuasive  speaker.  He 
must  put  in  practice  grace  of  presence,  bodily  vigor,  voice, 
memory,  choice  of  words,  logic,  style,  imagination,  personal 
influence,  sympathy  with  his  auditors  and  quickness  of  retort. 
Of  debating  may  be  said  as  Thomas  Hughes  said,  in  To7n 
Brown^  of  boxing  :  '  There's  no  exercise  in  the  world  so 
good  for  the  temper,  and  for  the  muscles  of  the  back  and  legs. ' 
Debate  is  older  than  language,  and  is  in  fact  common  among 


PURPOSE  OF  THIS  WORK. 


xiii 


creatures  which  have  no  speech,  such  as  babes  and  bees. 
Debaters  have  had  both  power  and  reputation  as  far  back  as 

*  Nestor,  the  master  of  persuasive  speech, 
The  clear-toned  Pylian  orator,  whose  tongue 
Dropped  words  more  sweet  than  honey.' 

Indeed  the  first  book  of  the  IHad  is  Httle  more  than  a  rec- 
ord of  a  tumultuous  debating  society  which  sadly  needed  the 
restraints  of  Jefferson's  Manual.  Themistocles  reached  the 
climax  of  dramatic  debate  in  his  '  Strike,  but  hear  me.'  The 
Icelanders  loved  a  wrangle  and  plied  each  other  with  the  subtlest 
legal  arguments  over  Burnt  Njal ;  till  the  inevitable  moment 
came  when  the  crust  over  the  Icelandic  volcanic  temper  broke 
up,  and  the  contestants  clenched  their  arguments  with  battle 
axes.  Cicero  seems  to  have  preferred  those  debates  in  which 
he  had  no  opponent.  For  debatable  questions  the  world  has 
never  found  a  lack.  Religion  has  furnished  an  array  of  fatally 
attractive  subjects,  from  the  differences  between  Socrates  and 
the  Sophists  down  to  the  defence  of  Anne  Hutchinson  against 
the  orthodox  Massachusetts  clergy ;  politics  is,  rightly  con- 
strued, only  organized  discussion ;  and  social  questions  have 
been  the  dividing  wedge  in  families  and  communities  ever 
since  people  became  aware  that  they  had  neighbors  with 
whom  to  dispute. 

In  the  pleasures  of  open  discussion,  Americans  have  always 
been  keen.  What  were  Colonial  town  meetings  and  legisla- 
tive assemblies  but  public  debating  societies  ?  In  a  country 
like  ours,  abounding  in  town  councils,  synods,  conferences, 
vestries,  faculties  and  legislatures,  persuasive  speech  is  not 
only  a  pleasure  and  a  power,  it  is  a  professional  asset.  Amer- 
icans love  a  contest,  even  as  listeners ;  and  the  good  debater 
is  likely  to  argue  his  way  to  success. 

No  treatise  could  classify  or  describe  the  endless  oral  de- 
bates of  which  the  world  is  full :  but  it  is  possible  to  discuss 
those  set  and  formal  contests  in  which  one  or  several  persons, 
are  pitted  against  an  equal  number  of  champions  of  the  other 


xiv 


ART   OF  DEBATE. 


side.  This  was  a  favorite  diversion  of  the  middle  ages;  and 
has  left  its  tradition  in  the  disputations  which  to  this  day 
every  candidate  for  the  Italian  *  Laurea  *  (corresponding  to 
our  A.B.  degree)  is  obliged  to  hold  with  his  examiners. 
Luther  enjoyed  this  kind  of  fray,  as  in  the  famous  disputation 
of  1529  with  Zwingli.  Regular  debating  societies  have  long 
been  a  part  of  school  and  social  life  in  this  country ;  and  in 
one  of  them  Abraham  Lincoln  made  the  first  of  his  recorded 
speeches.  Most  colleges  have  a  machinery  for  such  debates, 
taking  its  most  effective  form  in  two  rival  societies,  such  as 
tlie  Whig  and  Clio  at  Princeton,  the  Philosophical  and  Dia- 
lectic of  the  University  of  North  Carolina,  the  Philolexian 
and  Barnard  of  Columbia,  and  the  Union  and  Forum  of 
Harvard. 

Such  practices  and  such  opportunities  need  no  discussion ; 
every  one  knows  that  preparation  for  debate  involves  knowl- 
edge ;  that  the  logical  arrangement  of  argument  is  good  intel- 
lectual training ;  that  the  cut  and  thrust  of  actual  contest  is  a 
type  and  preparation  for  life ;  that  by  discussion  men  broaden 
their  own  views  and  grow  to  respect  those  of  their  opponents. 
The  effective  use  of  one's  mother  tongue  is  stimulated  by  de- 
bate :  and  becomes  an  agreeable  accomplishment,  a  valuable 
tool,  the  most  important  possession  of  the  educated  man.  It 
even  passes  into  proverbs  and  jocular  quips.  As  Bacon  says  : 
'  It  is  good  in  discourse  and  speech  of  conversation,  to  vary 
and  intermingle  speech  of  the  present  occasion  with  arguments, 
tales  with  reasons,  asking  of  questions  with  telling  of  opinions, 
and  jest  with  earnest.'  Or,  as  the  poet  of  Alice* s  Adventures 
would  less  gravely  have  it : 

*  In  my  youth,  said  his  father,  I  took  to  the  law, 
And  argued  each  case  with  my  wife, 
And  the  muscular  strength,  which  it  gave  to  my  jaw, 
Has  lasted  the  rest  of  my  life.' 

For  all  the  reasons  just  stated,  the  idea  has  for  some  years 
been  gaining  ground  that  argument,  both  written  and  spoken, 


IMPORTANCE. 


XV 


is  a  proper  subject  for  study  in  a  school  or  a  college ;  that  the 
unravelling  of  the  intricacies  of  a  great,  closely-woven  speech, 
is  as  good  a  mental  discipline  as  the  analysis  of  a  salt,  or  the 
solution  of  a  spherical  triangle.  We  begin  to  understand  that 
the  arrangement  of  material  in  clear  and  cogent  form  has  the 
advantages  of  translation  from  a  foreign  language,  or  the  de- 
duction of  a  principle  in  philosophy ;  that  discussion,  and 
especially  public  discussion,  is  one  of  the  best  quickeners 
of  individual  thought  and  expression.  The  old-fashioned 
*  rhetorical  exercises  '  of  the  schools  often  included  set  de- 
bates. A  century  ago  disputations  were  a  part  of  college 
commencements.  It  is  only  of  late  years,  however,  that  there 
have  sprung  up  formal  courses  in  debate,  in  which  the  prepa- 
ration and  oral  statement  of  argument  '  counts  toward  the 
degree,*  and  is  subject  to  the  observation  and  criticism  of 
regular  instructors,  expert  in  the  questions  under  debate.  This 
system  is  a  substantial  addition  to  the  written  themes,  essays 
and  forensics  ordinarily  required  in  colleges ;  and  it  differs 
from  the  usual  courses  in  elocution  in  that  it  expects  a  man  to 
put  his  thoughts  into  his  own  language,  and  not  to  attempt 
simply  to  give  expression  to  the  language  of  other  people. 

3.  Selection  of  a  Question. 

Nothing  is  more  essential,  to  make  debates  interesting  and 
profitable,  than  the  choice  of  a  proper  question.  There  must 
be,  in  the  first  place,  two  distinct  and  reasonably  balanced 
sides.  Yet  even  out  of  what  appears  upon  its  face  a  foregone 
conclusion,  a  question  may  often  be  made  by  limiting  the 
conditions,  by  *  loading '  the  stronger  side  by  such  provisos 
as  may  take  away  its  advantage.  For  example,  who  would 
undertake  to  argue  the  negative  of  the  question :  '  Resolved, 
That  the  voter  ought  to  be  protected  in  his  right  to  the  ballot '  ? 
But  there  is  good  debating  ground  on  either  side  of  the  ques- 
tion :  *  Resolved,  That  it  is  the  duty  of  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment to  protect  the  voter's  right  to  the  ballot,'  or  of  the  ques- 
tion :  *  Resolved,  That  a  registry  law  is  the  best  protection  to 


xvi 


ART  OF  DEBATE. 


the  ballot ; '  or,  ^  Resolved,  That  the  Fifteenth  Amendment 
was  a  mistake.'  Skill  in  making  a  just  balance  in  framing 
questions  is  very  like  the  skill  of  the  handicapper  in  foot-races. 

In  the  second  place,  a  question  should  be  debatable :  that 
is,  it  should  include  something  important  enough  to  be  worth 
discussing,  broad  enough  to  lead  to  several  different  lines  of 
argument,  and  near  enough  so  that  there  is  available  infor- 
mation upon  it.  The  old  scholastic  debate  question  :  '  How 
many  angels  can  dance  on  the  point  of  a  needle  ?  '  is  the  clas- 
sical example  of  unreal  subjects.  Experience  shows  that  gen- 
eral questions,  not  made  too  exact  and  specific,  lead  to  livelier 
debates,  because  they  give  opportunities  to  come  in  with  sugges- 
tive side-hghts.  Thus  the  question,  '  Resolved,  That  Canada 
ought  to  be  annexed  to  the  United  States,'  is  more  likely  to 
be  energetically  debated  than  the  question,  ^  Resolved^  That 
the  best  interests  of  Canada  demand  annexation  to  the  United 
States.'  The  first  form  has  plainly  more  material  for  four  or 
six  good  speeches :  and  where  there  are  numerous  speeches 
from  the  floor,  the  broader  topic  gives  each  an  opportunity  to 
come  in  with  some  point  not  yet  fully  stated. 

Next  there  must  be  some  human  interest  at  stake :  the  ques- 
tion must  be  one  the  actual  decision  of  which  would  make  a 
difference  to  the  debaters.  In  the  old-fashioned  rhetorics  are 
long  lists  of  questions  like,  '  Is  the  hope  of  reward  a  stronger 
motive  than  the  fear  of  punishment  ?  '  or  *  Is  revolution  a 
natural  right  ?  '  Who  will  lose  his  sleep  if  such  questions  be 
decided  either  way?  The  familiar  biographical  questions  had 
a  special  value  before  the  literature  of  current  discussion  was 
made  available,  because  you  could  find  out  something  about 
*  Was  Caesar  justified  in  crossing  the  Rubicon  ?  '  or  *  Was 
the  execution  of  Charles  1.  deserved  ?  '  Yet  where  young  men 
or  young  women  accustomed  to  debate  are  allowed  to  choose 
for  themselves,  they  are  likely  to  prefer  questions  taken  out  of 
modern  history  and  current  social,  political  and  economic 
problems. 

In  their  selection  of  seventy-five  topics,  Mr.  Brookings  and 


SELECTION  OF  QUESTIONS. 


xvii 


Mr.  Ringwalt  have  recognized  and  accepted  such  preferences. 
Young  people  Hke  to  debate  the  questions  which  perplex  their 
elders,  and  which  they  will  be  called  upon  to  settle,  on  which 
they  already  know  something,  and  wish  to  know  more ;  ques- 
tions which  really  affect  the  welfare  of  their  friends  or  them- 
selves. Modern  conditions,  especially  in  the  United  States, 
tend  to  bring  out  underlying  differences  of  temperament  or 
interest  in  hotly  contested  disputes ;  and  some  current  topic 
can  almost  always  be  found  w^hich  interests  everybody — such 
as  the  tariff,  silver,  a  navy,  party  nominations,  or  international 
politics. 

Extending  the  same  principle  a  little  further,  the  spirit  of  a 
debate  is  much  quickened  if  some  or  all  the  debaters  have 
some  personal  knowledge  of,  or  interest  in,  the  question.  The 
son  of  a  railroad  president  will  be  certain  to  have  very  distinct 
ideas  on  pooling;  a  Pittsburgh  girl  knows  what  a  protective 
tariff  is ;  a  Southerner  can  argue  on  the  negro  question ;  the 
worker  in  slums  has  an  opinion  as  to  the  Salvation  Army. 
Debates  in  actual  life  are  always  carried  on  by  those  who  are 
convinced  that  they  have  the  right  opinion,  and  are  deter- 
mined to  convince  others  ;  hence  the  value  of  debate-subjects 
on  which  the  participants  know  enough  to  differ.  Hence  very 
good  subjects  can  often  be  made  out  of  school  and  college 
questions — marking  systems,  athletics,  co-education,  Greek 
letter  societies,  and  the  like.  Any  kind  of  actual  personal 
contact  with  a  question  gives  life  to  the  argument. 

No  matter  how  good  the  question  may  be,  the  debate  will 
be  thin  and  dull,  unless  there  be  material  available  from  which 
an  argument  may  be  made  up.  The  intellectual  training  of 
debate  is  not  to  be  had  from  hair-splitting — still  less  from  gen- 
eral talk  on  an  unfamiliar  subject :  for  the  object  of  debate  is 
not  to  say  something,  but  to  have  something  that  must  be 
said.  There  must  be  preparation,  and  that  involves  the  ac- 
cumulation of  material,  and  the  throwing  out  of  the  unavail- 
able. Preparation  needs  material,  in  books,  or  newspapers,  or 
in  the  stores  of  one's  own  mind. 


xviii 


ART  OF  DEBATE. 


A  glance  at  the  table  of  contents  of  this  volume  will  show 
how  steadily  the  authors  have  kept  these  principles  in  mind. 
The  seventy-five  briefs  are  all  on  questions  many  times  debated 
in  Congress  or  Legislatures  or  Parliaments  or  Faculties.  The 
list  is  enlarged  by  the  '  Additional  Topics  for  Debate  :  *  (pp. 
201-210)  and  may  be  further  extended  by  using  some  of  the 
bibliographies  mentioned  below  (§  12). 

For  intercollegiate  and  interscholastic  debates,  the  choice 
of  a  subject  has  been  a  troublesome  task :  it  was  hard  to  state  a 
question  so  that  it  seemed  fair  to  both  parties.  But  a  system 
has  been  adopted  in  the  Yale-Princeton-Harvard  contests, 
and  doubtless  elsewhere,  which  prevents  quarrels  and  puts  the 
evenness  of  the  question  beyond  doubt.  The  challenging  col- 
lege selects  and  states  the  question ;  the  challenged  has  then 
the  right  to  choose  either  side.  No  better  plan  could  be  in- 
vented. 

4.  Materials. 

For  such  subjects  as  have  just  been  suggested  the  materials 
are  abundant  and  easily  found.  First  come  the  previous  re- 
corded discussions,  notably  those  of  Congress  and  other 
national  legislative  bodies.  The  titles  of  the  various  official 
publications  are  given  below  (§  12).  On  all  questions  which 
interest  the  government  of  the  United  States  we  have  the 
nearly  verbatim  reports  of  the  proceedings  of  the  Senate  and 
of  the  House  of  Representatives,  which  contain  speeches, 
messages,  and  often  quoted  documents.  The  indexes  to  the 
annual  sets  of  the  Congressional  Record  are  full  and  include 
three  kinds  of  references — to  names,  subjects,  and  bills  by  their 
official  number.  In  the  Congressional  Documents  will  be 
found  valuable  reports,  both  from  executive  departments  and 
from  legislative  committees.  These  are  arranged  for  each 
session  of  Congress  into  six  groups  :  Senate  Executive  Docu- 
ments^ Senate  Miscellaneous ^  Senate  \Committee\  Reports y 
House  Executive  Documents,  House  Miscellaneous,  House 
[Committee']  Reports,    Each  set  has  a  poor  index  prefixed  to 


MATERIALS. 


XIX 


each  volume.  In  §12  will  be  found  titles  of  a  few  handier 
indexes.  On  the  Constitutional  Convention  of  1787  we  have 
the  invaluable  Madison  Papers^  reprinted  in  Elliof  s  Debates  ; 
and  in  a  recent  edition,  bearing  the  erroneous  title  ©f 
Journal  of  the  Federal  Convention,  edited  by  E.  C.  Scott. 
Remarkable  speeches  have,  from  1775  down,  been  fre- 
quently printed  in  newspapers,  in  pamphlets,  or  in  the  col- 
lected works  of  the  orator.  Presidential  messages  and  official 
proclamations  will  be  found  down  to  1850  in  Williams's  States- 
man^ s  Manual ;  and  from  1789  down  in  the  fuller  Compilation 
of  the  Messages  and  Papers  of  the  Presidents,  by  James  D. 
Richardson.  The  laws  of  Congress  are  in  the  Statutes  at 
Large,  and  the  decisions  of  the  Supreme  Court  in  the  succes- 
sive Reports  of  Dallas,  Cranch,  Wheaton,  Peters,  Howard, 
Black,  Wallace,  and  *  United  States.'  Down  to  1863  there 
are  also  the  condensed  reports  of  Curtis  and  Miller. 

Newspapers  are  valuable  to  the  debater  for  three  kinds  of 
materials :  reports  of  speeches  and  messages ;  accounts  of 
current  events;  and  editorial  discussions.  Some  newspapers 
have  also  a  fourth  department,  of  correspondence  :  the  letters 
to  the  London  Times,  for  instance,  contain  discussions  of  all 
kinds  of  pending  questions ;  the  Nation  has  sometimes  very 
spicy  letters.  In  all  respects  the  newspapers  most  likely  to 
help  the  debater  are  the  great  New  York,  Boston,  and 
Chicago  dailies.  On  the  proceedings  of  state  legislatures 
(which  are  nowhere  reported  in  full)  the  leading  dailies  of  the 
State  are  most  helpful.  Two  newspapers  have  made  it  their 
special  mission  to  collect  and  publish  extracts  from  the  daily 
press  of  the  time,  and  hence  they  answer  instead  of  a  large 
body  of  papers;  they  are  Niles'  Weekly  Register  (181 1-49) 
and  Public  Opinion  (1885-96)  ;  the  latter  is  one  of  the  most 
useful  sources  for  the  making  up  of  briefs.  The  Nation  has 
since  its  first  publication  in  1865  made  it  a  point  to  pub- 
lish short  editorials  on  topics  of  national  interest ;  and  it  is 
not  necessary  to  agree  with  the  political  views  of  the  editors 
in  order  to  avail  one's  self  of  their  careful  record  of  events  and 


XX  ART  OF  DEBATE. 

discussions  which  are  likely  to  interest  debaters.  Of  the  for- 
eign newspapers  the  most  useful  are  the  Times  (London), 
Temps  (Paris),  and  Augsburger  Allgemeine  Zeitung, 

Of  late  years  public  men  have  got  into  the  habit  of  putting 
their  views  before  the  public  in  the  great  periodicals  rather 
than  in  speeches.  Perhaps  the  first  example  was  Stephen  A. 
Douglas's  article  on  Popular  Sovereignty  in  Harper' s  Monthly 
for  September,  1859;  although  Madison  had  contributed 
anonymously  to  the  North  America^i  Review  in  1830.  Expert 
writers  also  choose  frequently  to  discuss  questions  of  public 
interest  in  the  general,  and  even  in  the  popular,  periodicals. 

Hence,  among  the  most  fruitful  sources  of  information, 
especially  on  questions  which  have  not  yet  been  condensed  into 
books,  are  the  articles  in  periodicals.  Especially  to  be  men- 
tioned are  t\\QForum  (1886-),  Atlantic  Monthly  (1857-),  Scrib- 
ner's  (1870-81,  1887-),  Century  (1881-),  Harper's  (1850-), 
New- England  Magazine  (1889-),  North  American  Review 
(18 1 5-;  up  to  i860,  the  best  vehicle  for  intelligent  discussion  of 
public  affairs),  Chautauquan  (1884-),  Arena  (1890-),  Review 
of  Reviews  (1889-).  Valuable  articles  are  also  often  found  in 
the  religious  reviews,  as  the  Methodist  Quarterly  {\ZA^\-^^Bibli0' 
theca  Sacra  (1854-;  Congregationalist,  now  changed  in  char- 
acter), Unitarian  Review  (1844-91),  Universalist  Quarterly 
(1844-86),  American  Catholic  Quarterly  (1876-).  The  fol- 
lowing periodicals  are  no  longer  published,  though  excellent 
on  the  period  which  they  cover:  Magazine  of  American  His- 
tory (1877-94),  Princeton  Review  and  New  Princeton  Review 
(1829-71,  1878-84,  1886-88),  Democratic  Review  (1838- 
59),^ merican  Whig  Review  (1845-52),  De  Bow' s  Commer- 
cial Revieju  (1846-70,  Southern),  New  Englander  (1843- 
72),  International  Review  (1874-83),  Galaxy  (1866-77), 
Andover  Review  (1884-93). 

Of  foreign  reviews  the  most  serviceable  are  the  Contonpo- 
rary,  Fortnightly,  Natio7ial,  Nineteenth  Ccntufy,  New  Re- 
view, Quarterly,  Edinburgh,  Westminster,  London  Quarterly, 
Saturday  Review,  Spectator,  Speaker  (the  last  three  weekly). 


SOURCES. 


xxi 


In  French,  the  Revue  des  deux  Mondes,  Revue  Bleue,  Nouvelle 
Revue,  Correspondant, 

The  debater  will  not  fail  to  make  use  of  the  special  periodi- 
cals on  history,  economics,  government,  and  sociology.  Such 
are  the  Political  Science  Quarterly  (1887-),  Annals  of  the 
American  Academy  of  Political  and  Social  Science  (1889-), 
Yale  Review  ( 1 8  9  2  -) ,  Quarterly  Journal  of  Economics  ( 1 8 8 6-) , 
Jou7'nal  of  Political  Economy  (189 2-),  American  Historical 
Review  (189 5-),  American  Journal  of  Sociology  ,  New 

World  (1892-),  Journal  of  Social  Science  (188  7-) ,  Bradstreef  s 
(weekly,  financial).  Charities  Review  (1891-),  National  Geo- 
graphic Magazine  ;  Econofnic  Journal,  Economic  Review,  and 
Economist  (all  English)  ;  Economiste  (weekly,  financial)  ; 
Annates  de  V  Ecole  des  Sciences  Politiques ;  Journal  des 
Economistes  ;  Revue  Historique  ;  Einanz-Archiv  ;  Jahrbucher 
fur  Nationalokonomie. 

On  military  and  naval  questions  there  are  many  special 
journals.  The  best  in  America  are  :  Army  and  Navy  Jour- 
nal, Army  and  Navy  Register,  United  Service  Magazine, 
Journal  of  the  United  States  Military  Service  Institution,  Pro- 
ceedings of  the  United  States  Naval  Institute.  The  best  Eng- 
lish journals  are  Broad  An^ow,  United  Service  Magazine, 
Nautical  Magazine.  The  standard  German  periodical  is 
Jahrbucher  fur  die  Deutsche  Armee  und  Marine.  Engineering 
and  Engineer  contain  much  discussion  of  naval  construction 
and  management,  and  of  armaments. 

To  the  newspapers  there  is  no  general  key  :  there  are  annual 
indexes  to  the  New  York  Tribune  and  London  Times.  For 
the  periodicals  there  are  the  serviceable  Poole's  Index  to  Pe- 
riodicals, Jones's  Lidex  to  Legal  Periodicals,  and  the  special 
indexes  to  the  sets  of  North  A^nerican  Review,  Harper'' s, 
Scribner's,  and  other  periodicals.  In  the  bibliographies  enu- 
merated below  (§  12)  will  be  found  classified  lists  of  periodi- 
cal articles  and  also  of  books. 

More  elaborate  than  periodical  articles  are  the  monographs 
and  special  treatises.    Several  universities  and  publishers  have 


xxii 


ART  OF  DEBATE. 


series  including  political,  economic,  and  social  studies.  Such 
are  the  Johns  Hopkins  University  Studies;  the  Columbia 
Studies  in  History  ^  Economics,  and  Public  Law  ;  the  Harvard 
Historical  Studies  ;  the  publications  of  Leland  Stanford  Uni- 
versity and  the  Universities  of  Michigan,  Wisconsin,  and  Ne- 
braska. Several  publishers  have  series  of  related  books,  as 
Crowell's  Library  of  Economics  and  Politics  ;  Putnam's  Ques- 
tions of  the  Day;  English  Citizen  Series;  Longmans' 
announced  American  Citizen  Series ;  and  Swan  and  Sonnen- 
schein's  Social  Science  Series.  To  these  may  be  added  the 
publications  of  special  societies,  as  the  American  Economic 
Association,  the  American  Historical  Association  {Papers ; 
and  later,  Annual  Reports^,  and  the  New  York  Reform  Club 
(especially  on  the  currency).  Many  of  these  sets  are  ana- 
lyzed in  Fletcher's  A.  Z.  A.  Lndex  to  General  Literature, 

The  books  relating  to  debated  topics  may  be  found  through 
the  printed  subject-catalogues  of  large  libraries,  especially  the 
Boston  Athenaeum,  the  Peabody  Library  of  Baltimore,  and 
the  Brooklyn  Public  Library.  Special  bibhographies  will  be 
enumerated  below  (§  12).  The  most  serviceable  books  are 
of  course  the  political  histories  of  the  modern  countries,  the 
special  economic,  financial,  and  social  histories,  and  the  trea- 
tises on  constitutional  law  and  government.  Of  the  histories 
of  the  United  States  the  most  useful  are  Rhodes,  Von  Hoist, 
McMaster,  Hildreth,  Schouler.  On  the  last  thirty  years  there 
is  little  exact  history  written.  Woodrow  Wilson's  Division 
and  Reunion  \%  2i  brief  handbook;  and  Johnston's  American 
Politics  and  Stanwood's  Presidential  Elections  are  helpful 
outlines.  Taussig's  Tariff  History  of  the  United  States  is  the 
standard  brief  work  on  that  subject.  On  constitutional  law 
the  great  authorities  are  Joseph  Story,  Commentaries  on  the 
Constitution  (5  editions,  Cooley's  or  Bigelow's  the  best)  ;  T. 
M.  Cooley,  Constitutional  Limitations,  and  Constitutional 
Law ;  John  N.  Pomeroy,  Constitutional  Law ;  James  Bryce, 
American  Commonwealth.  On  international  law  the  most 
serviceable  treatises  are  those  by  Hall,  Lawrence,  Wheaton 


HAND-BOOKS. 


xxiii 


(Lawrence*s  and  Dana's  editions),  Woolsey,  and  especially 
Francis  Wharton,  Digest  of  the  International  Law  of  the  United 
States, 

If  the  special  authorities  are  not  available,  recourse  may 
be  had  to  the  compilations.  The  late  editions  of  the  cyclo- 
paedias often  have  weighty  brief  articles  by  experts.  The  best 
are  Johnson's,  Britannica  (Ninth  edition),  Appleton's,  Cham- 
bers's,  and  especially  Appleton' s  Annual  Cyclopcedia ;  also 
Brockhaus,  and  Meyer  (both  German). 

Manuscript  sources  are  little  available  for  debates,  except 
that  letters  and  written  statements  may  sometimes  be  secured 
from  men  who  can  contribute  something  to  the  argument. 
Debaters  ought  to  be  warned  against  the  practice  of  writing 
to  busy  men  for  an  opinion,  so  that  in  the  debate  they  may 
quote  the  reply ;  it  is  argument  and  not  names  that  wins 
debate.  A  debater's  own  knowledge  of  the  facts,  or  that  of 
his  friends  and  connections,  may,  however,  often  be  made  very 
effective. 

5.  Use  of  Materials. 

When  the  debater  has  found  out  what  has  been  written 
upon  his  subject,  his  task  of  actual  preparation  begins  :  he 
must  discover  what  part  of  it  is  useful  to  him,  and  then  must 
take  such  notes  as  will  serve  him  later.  Even  the  preliminary 
search  for  references  has  the  joys  and  disappointments  of  other 
hunts.  The  first  step  is  to  use  the  available  bibhographies 
(among  which  would  be  classed  for  this  purpose  the  Briefs 
printed  below),  the  library  catalogues,  the  periodical,  and 
other  indexes.  The  best  system  is  to  make  a  memorandum 
on  a  card  of  each  title  of  book  or  article.  Then  the  books  must 
be  examined ;  and  here  is  necessary  skill  and  practice  in  the 
use  of  tables  of  contents,  book  indexes,  and  catalogues.  Of 
course  the  debater  will  always  examine  his  references  for  him- 
self, and  will  not  take  second-hand  quotations  or  extracts  if  he 
can  find  the  originals.   As  soon  as  a  title  proves  on  examination 


xxiv 


ART  OF  DEBATE. 


not  to  be  useful,  the  corresponding  card  may  be  thrown  out. 
Debates  in  Congress  may  be  traced  out  through  the  references 
in  previous  briefs,  and  through  the  indexes  to  the  Congressional 
Record, 

The  next  step,  the  taking  notes  on  the  material,  requires 
much  discriminating  judgment.  Notes  ought  to  be  brief,  to 
show  the  point  which  they  illustrate,  and  to  include  such 
phrases  as  may  well  be  quoted  in  the  argument.  A  labor- 
saving  device  is  to  take  the  notes  on  separate  half-sheets  or  slips 
of  paper,  of  uniform  size,  devoting  one  slip  to  each  of  the 
separate  branches  of  the  argument,  which  will  appear  later  as 
divisions  of  the  brief.  Notes  on  that  subject,  from  whatever 
source,  will  thus  all  be  assembled  at  one  opening,  and  may  be 
arranged  and  re -classified  as  fast  as  they  come.  When  the 
search  is  completed  the  slips  will  then  be  a  kind  of  inchoate 
brief. 

At  the  moment  when  a  note  is  made,  a  reference  to  the 
source  should  be  entered,  in  a  form  which  cannot  afterward 
be  mistaken.    Quotations  should  be  exact,  so  far  as  they  go, 

and  lacunae  should  be  indicated  thus  ;  and  words 

inserted  by  the  note-taker  should  appear  in  brackets  [thus] 
to  show  that  they  are  no  part  of  the  original.  This  is  a  pro- 
tection against  any  argument  that  a  quotation  used  is  inaccu- 
rate or  incomplete. 

Of  course  all  authorities  are  not  of  the  same  weight.  In 
dealing  with  facts  first-hand  authorities  are  usually  the  strong- 
est, unless  you  can  find  the  evidence  analyzed  and  weighed  by 
an  expert.  A  cautious  writer  is  to  be  preferred  to  a  rash 
writer.  Speeches  in  legislative  bodies  are  often  tinged  by 
party-spirit,  and  omit  essential  points.  The  debater's  own  de- 
ductions from  established  facts  will  usually  carry  more  weight 
than  a  repetition  of  a  discussion,  taken  from  others  at  second- 
hand. And  nowhere  is  discrimination  more  necessary  than  in 
separating  the  parts  which  really  bear  upon  the  course  of  the 
argument,  from  the  merely  accidental  or  trivial. 

While  the  work  of  search  and  note-taking  is  going  on  the 


USE  OF  MATERIALS. 


XXV 


argument  should  be  shaping  itself  in  the  debater's  mind,  so 
that  he  sees  what  are  the  main  lines,  and  what  is  subsidiary. 
Here  the  advice  of  other  people  becomes  valuable;  discus- 
sion with  one's  friends  will  help  one  to  throw  overboard  weak 
or  dangerous  points,  and  to  add  force  to  those  which  one  re- 
tains. Nor  must  a  man  be  contented  with  the  arguments 
on  his  own  side  ;  he  must  expect  to  be  taken  unawares  unless 
he  knows  the  case  of  his  adversaries  almost  as  well  as  his  own. 

6.  The  Brief  System. 

This  book  is  intended  to  assist  the  debater  in  acquiring 
the  method  of  brief-making,  for  assembling,  arranging,  and 
analyzing  arguments,  as  a  basis  for  debate;  and  it  is  a 
method  which  experience  has  shown  to  be  very  effective. 
Without  it,  formal  college  courses  in  debate  are  hard  to  keep 
active,  and  interscholastic  and  intercollegiate  debates  have  not 
a  sufficient  background. 

The  advantages  of  carefully  prepared  briefs  are  obvious.  In 
the  first  place,  they  cannot  be  made  without  study,  and  they 
thus  lay  stress  on  the  intellectual  training  of  the  whole  system. 
Though  an  instructor  may  not  always  be  sure  which  of  two 
partners  had  most  to  do  with  the  drawing  of  a  brief,  he  knows 
directly  if  neither  one  of  them  has  worked  upon  it.  In  the 
second  place,  a  brief  is  crystallized  logic  ;  it  is  the  plan  of  cam- 
paign for  the  argument.  No  brief  is  possible  till  the  main 
points  have  shaped  themselves  in  the  debater's  mind  ;  and  the 
thought  grows  more  distinct,  and  the  parts  of  the  argument 
better  defined,  as  the  brief  grows.  In  the  third  place,  the  brief 
requires  a  man — as  in  legal  argument — not  to  depend  on  im- 
provisation, nor  surprise,  but  to  make  up  his  mind  beforehand 
on  what  he  must  base  his  case.  Hence  if  the  brief  contain 
matter  which  does  not  find  its  way  into  the  speech,  it  is  re- 
dundant ;  if  the  speech  soar  into  arguments  not  mentioned  in 
the  brief,  the  latter  is  defective.  Whenever — as  is  commonly  the 
case  in  debates  among  friendly  rivals — the  two  sides  see  each 


/ 


xxvi  ART  OF  DEBATE. 

Other's  briefs  before  the  debate,  they  have  the  opportunity  to 
prepare  rebuttals.  Above  all,  the  brief  is  a  steady  training  in 
the  most  difficult  part  of  reasoning  ;  in  putting  together  things 
that  belong  together  ;  in  discovering  connections  and  rela- 
tions ;  in  subordinating  the  less  important  matters.  The  mak- 
ing of  a  brief  is  an  intellectual  exercise  like  the  study  of  a  dis- 
ease by  a  physician,  of  a  case  by  a  lawyer,  of  a  sermon  by  a 
minister,  of  a  financial  report  by  a  president  of  a  corooration. 
It  is  a  bit  of  the  practical  work  of  life. 

Perhaps  the  system  may  be  best  set  forth  by  an  account  of 
the  manner  in  which  it  is  carried  out  in  a  course  in  oral  de- 
bate at  one  of  the  large  colleges.  The  thirty  men  in  the  course 
are  divided  into  thirty  groups  of  four  ^principal  disputants,' 
so  arranged  that  in  the  course  of  the  year  no  man  will  be  twice 
associated  with  anyone  else  in  the  course.  Each  man  is  there- 
fore a  principal  disputant  four  times  during  the  year.  Three 
weeks  before  their  debate  the  four  principal  disputants  meet 
an  instructor  to  select  a  question.  If  they  have  a  preference 
for  any  particular  question  it  is  allowed,  if  it  seem  interesting, 
and  has  not  already  been  debated  that  year.  A  question  sat- 
isfactory to  disputants  and  instructor  having  been  found,  the 
latter  makes  general  suggestions  about  the  material,  referring 
the  men  to  useful  bibliographies,  to  reports  of  debates,  and  to 
periodicals  and  special  works.    Sides  are  also  assigned. 

The  two  pairs  then  go  about  their  work,  with  the  privilege 
of  asking  any  other  instructor  for  references  and  suggestions. 
About  a  week  before  the  debate,  drafts  of  the  two  briefs  are 
brought  in,  and  thoroughly  discussed  by  the  students  and  the 
instructor :  the  latter  notices  the  thoroughness  of  the  search 
for  material,  the  value  and  accuracy  of  the  references,  the 
force  of  the  arguments,  their  grouping,  and  the  general  effect 
of  the  work.  These  criticisms  the  brief-makers  consider,  and 
follow  so  far  as  they  seem  to  them  justified. 

Two  days  later  the  revised  briefs  are  handed  in,  presumably 
ready  for  the  printer.  This  is  one  of  the  snaggy  places  in  the 
system  :  it  is  almost  impossible  to  get  men  to  abide  by  that 


BRIEF-MAKING. 


xxvii 


uniformity  of  paragraphing,  lettering,  italicizing,  and  punctu- 
ating, which  a  printer  expects.  One  of  the  four  men  is  held 
responsible  for  taking  the  briefs,  when  accepted,  to  the  college 
daily  newspaper,  and,  as  soon  as  the  brief  appears,  for  hav- 
ing the  books  to  which  reference  is  made  assembled  on  a 
shelf  in  the  library  reading-room.  By  agreement,  the  briefs 
appear  in  the  daily  at  least  three  days  before  the  debate,  so  as 
to  allow  speakers  from  the  floor  to  use  the  references  in  their 
preparation. 

The  characteristics  of  a  good  brief  need  not  here  be  stated 
in  detail :  that  is  a  subject  which  Professor  Baker  has  dis- 
cussed at  large  in  his  Principles  of  Argumentation.  The  first 
process  is  to  break  the  general  subject  up  into  a  few  pertinent 
and  well-distinguished  main  heads.  Such  subdivisions  are  well 
shown  in  both  the  affirmative  and  negative  of  Brief  No.  xlix 
(p.  129).  Sometimes  one  group  of  arguments  will  be  histori- 
cal, another  economic,  and  another  constitutional,  as  in  Brief 
No.  ii  (p.  4).  Again,  as  in  Brief  No.  Ixv  (p.  170),  the  classes 
or  interests  affected  by  the  question  will  be  the  basis  of  the 
division.  Each  of  the  main  heads,  thus  selected,  is  then  to  be 
subdivided  into  pertinent  sub-heads  ;  a  good  example  is  shown 
in  Brief  No.  Ixx  (p.  184).  Below  these  there  will  usually  be 
another  series  of  ramifications,  and  there  may  be  still  more 
elaborate  sub-classification,  as  in  Brief  No.  lix  (p.  155).  Be- 
yond the  fourth  degree  of  subdivision — shown  in  the  briefs  by 
(x),  (y),  (z) — analysis  becomes  confusing.  In  all  cases  the 
sub-heads  ought  to  be  indicated  by  letters  or  figures  so  clearly 
set  in  displayed  type  as  to  catch  the  eye.  In  practice  the  sub- 
divisions will  usually  be  built  up  from  below,  by  arranging  and 
concentrating  into  groups  the  body  of  arguments  which  have 
been  thought  out. 

Within  the  briefs  the  references  to  authorities  ought  to  be 
written  or  printed  according  to  some  definite  system.  Mr. 
Brookings  and  Mr.  Ringwalt  have  chosen  the  very  convenient 
method  of  setting  the  names  of  authors  in  ordinary  Roman, 
and  all  titles  of  books  or  periodicals  in  italics.    Whatever  the 


xxviii 


ART  OF  DEBATE. 


system,  it  ought  to  help  the  eye,  and  to  be  uniform.  Refer- 
ences should  be  full  enough  to  explain  themselves  wherever 
used,  though,  of  course,  a  title  entered  fully  at  the  beginning 
of  the  brief  may  be  repeated  in  ,shorter  form  further  down. 
It  is  a  great  convenience  to  insert  not  only  volumes  and  pages, 
but  dates  of  publication  of  articles  in  newspapers  and  periodi- 
cals, or  of  the  delivery  of  speeches  (see  p.  162)  ;  since  the  time 
when  an  argument  was  made  often  affects  its  force.  So  the 
name  of  the  author  of  an  article  should  often  be  inserted  (see 
p.  188). 

Debaters  from  the  floor  appreciate  the  block  of  *  General 
References '  which  Mr.  Brookings  and  Mr.  Ringwalt  have 
prefixed  to  each  of  their  briefs.  References  in  the  body  of  the 
brief,  to  back  up  single  points,  are  also  valuable  (see  p.  142), 
but  take  space  and  annoy  printers.  In  citing  Congressional 
documents  and  debates  it  is  convenient  to  insert  the  number 
of  the  Congress  and  session,  as  well  as  the  date ;  for  instance, 
on  page  1 1 1  it  would  be  better  to  read  :  '  Congressional  Record ^ 
53  Cong.  I  sess.  (1893-94)  Appendix,  p.  1178,'  etc.  Volume 
numbers  should  be  Roman  numerals,  without  any  prefatory 
^vol.;'  and  the  abbreviation  for  page  or  pages  (p.,  pp.)  is 
only  necessary  where  other  figures  precede  and  might  cause 
confusion,  as  on  page  in,  Tariff  Hearings  Before  the  Com- 
mittee on  Ways  and  Means,  1^93?  PP-  5^5,  520,  542. 

7.  Practice  Before  Debate. 

Like  every  other  art,  persuasive  debate  needs,  besides  prep- 
aration, long  and  conscientious  practice.  Corresponding  to 
those  preliminary  sketches  of  the  painter  which  he  means  to 
train  his  hand,  and  not  to  please  the  eyes  of  his  friends,  are 
the  preliminary  rehearsals  of  the  debater.  The  main  rule  for 
good  speaking  is  sul)stantially  that  set  forth  in  its  three 
branches  by  the  German  professor  as  a  guide  to  learning: 
'  I.  Read;  2.  Read  much;  3.  Read  very  much.*  It  is  of 
course  assumed  that  the  debater  aims  to  make  the  impression 


PRELIMINARY  PRACTICE. 


xxix 


of  a  well-equipped  speaker,  whose  eloquence  forms  itself  as  he 
goes  on :  hence  he  never  delivers  a  rigid  speech,  learned  by 
heart.  Orators  as  late  as  Charles  Sumner  used  this  memoriter 
method  :  but  such  orators  speak  rather  to  dazzle  than  to  per- 
suade. To  convince  an  audience  or  a  body  of  judges,  the 
debater  must  have  control  of  the  material,  must  keep  the  sub- 
divisions of  his  subject  clearly  in  mind,  and  must  have  gone 
over  it  orally  many  times. 

For  such  practice  nothing  is  better  than  to  stand  in  one's 
own  room,  alone  or  before  a  critical  friend,  and  there  to  talk 
for  the  allotted  number  of  minutes  ;  then  to  begin  again  and 
go  over  the  same  ground  a  second  and  a  third  and  a  tenth 
time.  Each  attempt  must  go  through  from  the  beginning  to 
the  end,  without  stopping  to  go  back  and  make  a  better  start. 
After  a  few  such  repetitions  the  speaker  will  find  that,  without 
ever  writing  a  definite  speech  or  committing  it  to  memory,  he 
has  his  language  well  settled,  his  material  organized,  his  illus- 
trations pat,  and  knows  that  he  comes  within  the  time  limit. 
By  the  aid  of  his  faithful  mirror  or  a  self-denying  friend  he 
must  also  by  this  time  have  noticed  and  weeded  out  his  most 
striking  faults  ;  and  he  has  the  reassuring  confidence  that  comes 
of  speaking  without  grasping  for  words  or  phrases.  The  lan- 
guage will  now  take  care  of  itself,  and  the  whole  force  may  go 
into  the  effort  to  send  the  words  home  to  the  minds  of  the 
hearers. 

The  great  intercollegiate  debates  have  in  many  cases  been 
prepared  by  an  extension  of  the  system  described  above,  which 
closely  resembles  the  training  of  athletic  teams.  The  debaters 
are  put  forward  against  an  '  advocatus  diaboli, '  who  takes 
the  wrong  side  in  a  set  argument.  The  debaters  must  then 
follow  him  and  so  adjust  their  points  as  to  meet  him  on  the 
ground  which  he  has  chosen.  Sometimes  the  '  team  '  which 
is  under  preparation,  has  to  debate,  man  for  man,  against  an- 
other team  which  tries  to  make  the  jointed  argument  which 
may  be  expected  from  the  rei)resentatives  of  the  rival  college. 
Such  practice  has  the  excitement  and  stimulus  of  battle,  and 


XXX 


ART  OF  DEBATE. 


is  a  marvellous  wit  sharpener.  Graduates  often  come  in  to 
direct  the  ^coaching/  and  criticise  as  though  they  were  fol- 
lowing the  stroke  of  a  boat  crew.  When  college  instructors 
appear  as  '  protagonists  '  in  this  preliminary  training  the  final 
debate  is  likely  to  be  a  contest  between  faculties  rather  than 
students,  and  the  zest  of  personal  prowess  is  taken  away. 

Such  elaborate  practice  as  has  just  been  described  not  only 
develops  the  individual  speaker,  it  also  gives  thorough  training 
in  co-operation  and  rebuttal.  The  subject  must  be  somehow 
divided  among  the  two  or  three  brother-debaters ;  and  each 
must  leave  his  fellows'  fields  free  for  them.  The  speeches  must 
be  arranged  so  as  to  lead  up  to  a  climax  ;  and  each  of  the  later 
men  must  stand  ready  to  defend  his  friends'  argument  if  at- 
tacked. The  important  subject  of  rebuttal  will  be  considered 
in  another  section  (§  9). 

During  the  preliminary  practice  the  debaters  must  make 
up  their  minds  as  to  the  probable  line  of  attack  of  their  oppo- 
nents ;  and  that  involves  a  thorough  knowledge  of  the  argu- 
ments against  them.  When  either  one  of  two  lines  of  opening 
is  to  be  feared,  there  is  no  easier  way  than — as  was  actually  done 
in  a  recent  intercollegiate  debate — for  the  first  speaker  on  the 
negative  to  prepare  two  distinct  speeches,  and  to  use  that  one 
which  fits  the  case  presented  to  him.  To  be  taken  by  surprise 
by  an  unexpected  argument  is  a  disgrace  to  a  good  debater. 

8.  Management  of  a  Debate. 

In  many  debating  societies  the  actual  clash  of  arguments  is 
only  a  part,  and  often  the  less  important  part,  of  the  exercises. 
Much  attention  is  given — especially  in  the  South  and  West — 
to  the  practice  of  parliamentary  law.  While  it  is  an  accom- 
plishment to  know  how  to  introduce  measures,  and  follow  the 
twists  of  legislative  procedure,  the  only  part  of  the  system 
which  is  of  much  importance  for  training  in  public  speaking  is 
the  moderator's  management.  The  writer  has  carried  with 
him  a  very  vivid  remembrance  of  the  keen,  quick,  business* 


AFFIRMATIVE  AND  NEGATIVE. 


xxxi 


like  and  yet  dignified  president  of  one  of  the  two  great  de- 
bating societies  of  the  University  of  North  Carohna,  who  felt 
himself  there  to  expedite  business  and  to  keep  the  debaters  to 
their  task.  Inasmuch  as  the  first  object  of  a  public  speaker  is 
to  convince,  we  may  leave  out  of  account  here  all  the  machin- 
ery of  debate  which  relates  to  measures.  The  chairman's  chief 
duty  is  urbanely  but  sternly  to  enforce  the  time  limits. 

The  affirmative  has  a  golden  opportunity  in  opening  the  de- 
bate, by  its  right  to  state  the  case ;  for,  while  keeping  within 
the  bounds  of  truth  and  logic,  it  may  create  a  presumption 
which  cannot  later  be  shaken  out  of  the  minds  of  the  hearers. 
Hence  it  is  worth  while  to  spend  part  of  the  first  speaker's 
time  in  stating  the  history  of  the  question,  and  the  economic 
or  social  or  constitutional  principles  which  underlie  it,  so  as  to 
make  his  side  seem  self-evident.  The  first  speaker  has  also  a 
chance  to  undermine  and  break  down  the  negative  arguments 
before  they  are  presented.  In  this  place  in  the  debate,  there- 
fore, a  speaker  should  be  put  who  is  lucid,  agreeable,  and  pre- 
possessing, who  can  strike  the  key-note  of  the  affirmative 
argument,  and  put  the  negative  on  the  defensive.  ^  The 
honorablest  part  of  talk  is  to  give  the  occasion,  and  again  to 
moderate  and  pass  to  somewhat  else ;  for  then  a  man  leads  the 
dance.' 

The  first  negative  speaker  has  the  same  task  for  his  side ; 
but  he  can  begin  also  to  tear  down  a  little  of  the  affirmative 
fabric.  Later  speakers  must  elaborate,  and  will  have  increas- 
ing chances  of  rebuttal.  In  a  general  debate  the  leaders 
should  take  pains  to  argue  the  main  points  of  their  brief,  and 
to  ask  their  friends  who  speak  '  from  the  floor '  to  take  up  the 
smaller  points,  so  that  the  whole  ground  may  be  covered. 

The  closing  speakei*s  on  each  side  are  always  important,  be- 
cause there  is  an  opportunity  to  sum  up  the  case  and  to  im- 
press on  the  minds  of  the  hearers  the  main  arguments.  Yet 
skilful  closing  speeches  are  uncommon  :  the  usual  repetition  of 
a  lot  of  small  points  carries  no  conviction  ;  a  laborious  at- 
tempt in  a  few  seconds  to  reply  to  a  mass  of  arguments  on  the 


xxxii 


ART  OF  DEBATE. 


other  side  is  confusing.  What  is  needed  is  to  select  out  a  few 
really  telling  and  essential  points,  to  show  that  they  are  estab- 
lished, that  they  are  fundamental,  and  hence  that  the  proposi- 
tion is  proved.  These  speeches  ought,  more  than  any  others, 
to  work  up  to  a  climax,  and  must  not  be  cut  in  two  by  the 
chairman's  gavel. 

How  shall  a  speaker  begin?  A  quotation,  an  illustration, 
a  good  story — very  short — may  be  a  proper  start-off,  by  getting 
the  attention  of  the  audience.  Then,  within  the  first  sentences, 
should  be  clearly  made  evident  what  the  speaker  expects  to 
prove.  People  Hke  to  know  where  they  are  in  an  argument, 
when  the  subject  is  changing,  when  a  new  division  comes  in. 
In  all  cases  the  beginning  must  be  smooth  and  unhesitating. 
A  speaker  who  is  searching  for  a  phrase  has  lost  his  audience 
at  the  start. 

To  state  the  essential  arguments  in  debate  seems  too  ob- 
vious to  be  suggested,  were  it  not  that  in  most  debates  the 
speakers  overlook  points  and  especially  conditions,  which 
must  be  taken  into  account  before  the  question  is  decided. 
Thus,  in  the  question  of  government  ownership  of  railroads 
(Brief  No.  xlvii),  sooner  or  later  people  are  bound  to  notice 
that  lack  of  good  highways  in  this  country  is  an  argument 
against  turning  the  railroads  over  to  the  public,  and  that  the 
state  of  the  American  civil  service  does  not  encourage  throw- 
ing heavier  duties  upon  it.  It  is  the  work  of  real  talent  to 
see  what  is  essential  and  must  be  argued,  and  what  may  safely 
be  neglected. 

An  effective,  though  often  a  misused,  practice  is  for  the 
speaker  to  enrich  his  speech  with  extracts  from  speeches  and 
documents,  and  with  statistics.  The  only  rules  on  quotations 
are  that  they  be  to  the  point,  snappy,  and  very  brief.  Fig- 
ures require  peculiar  tact ;  people  easily  get  tired  of  long 
tables,  but  a  good  mouthful  of  statistics  is  an  argument  hard 
to  answer.  Still  it  is  always  necessary  to  select — to  give  only 
highest  and  lowest  figures,  or  averages,  or  totals  :  and  in  the 
same  breath  one  must  show  how  they  apply.    Sometimes  an 


PRINCIPLES  OF  STATEMENT. 


xxxiii 


effect  may  be  produced  by  opening  the  book  before  the  audi- 
ence— as  a  kind  of  gesture,  to  call  attention  to  the  matter  ;  but 
let  no  man  try  to  read  more  than  a  sentence  !  A  battery  of 
quotations  or  figures  may  sometimes  be  used  to  advantage  : 
*What  does  Adam  Smith  say?  What  does  Ricardo  say? 
What  does  Mill  say  ?  What  does  Walker  say  ?  '  But  quo- 
tations and  statistics  are  not  arguments  ;  they  are  illustrations 
or  confirmations. 

For  short  speeches,  five,  four,  or  three  minutes,  the  same 
general  principles  apply  as  to  the  longer.  One  must  begin 
smoothly,  state  his  argument,  and  drive  it  home  :  but  since 
there  is  not  time  to  develop  a  chain  of  reasoning,  the  effort 
must  be  to  take  a  single  good  point ;  to  introduce  it,  show  its 
bearing  on  the  general  question,  illustrate  it;  and  then  to 
bring  it  to  a  good  close  within  the  time  limit.  For  the  prac- 
tical purposes  of  life  the  ability  to  make  a  good  five  minutes' 
speech  is  rarer  and  more  valuable  than  the  power  of  speaking 
well  for  an  hour.  Life  abounds  in  brief  colloquies,  where 
there  is  opportunity  to  make  a  single  distinct  point,  which 
hearers  can  remember  ;  hence  ease,  readiness,  speaking  out  of 
one's  self,  are  here  especially  necessary. 

A  strict  observance  of  the  time  limit  is  another  of  the  speak- 
er's duties.  In  some  societies  and  larger  assemblies  a  moder- 
ator's bell  or  gavel  remorselessly  cuts  down  in  the  flower  of  its 
youth  a  speech  which  overruns ;  but  it  is  humiliating  to  a  speaker 
so  to  be  bowled  out ;  and  a  broken  speech  loses  its  effect.  The 
chairman  on  the  other  hand  must  remember  that  fair  play  re- 
quires him  to  be  exact  to  both  sides.  In  an  important  inter- 
collegiate debate  a  few  years  ago,  the  amiable  chairman  per- 
mitted a  speaker  from  the  college  of  which  he  was  himself  a 
graduate  to  run  twenty-two  minutes  beyond  the  agreed  limit 
of  five  minutes  placed  on  the  closing  speech  for  the  affirma- 
tive. Doubtless  the  last  speaker  from  the  negative  might  have 
had  a  similar  privilege,  but  he  knew  better.  He  laid  his 
watch  ostentatiously  in  sight,  spoke  about  four  minutes,  and 
ended  with  :    *  I  have  fifty  seconds  left :  I  give  them  to  the 


xxxiv 


ART  OF  DEBATE. 


gentleman  on  the  affirmative.'  The  negative  won  the  de- 
bate. 

It  is  becoming  customary  in  intercollegiate  debates  to  have 
a  formal  decision ;  it  adds  to  the  interest  of  the  debate  ;  and 
compels  the  speakers  to  keep  constantly  before  their  minds 
the  task  of  convincing  somebody.  A  small  body  of  judges — ' 
say  three — is  better  than  a  larger  number. 

9.  Rebuttal. 

Just  so  far  as  debate  gets  away  from  the  old  idea  of  a  mere 
succession  of  declamations,  first  on  one  side,  and  then  on  the 
other,  the  refutation  of  argument  comes  in  as  a  powerful  en- 
gine, to  be  used  as  it  is  in  actual  life.  Speakers  and  hearers 
alike  become  interested  in  a  hand-to-hand  fight,  where  one 
man  directly  controverts  his  adversary.  In  intercollegiate  de- 
bates rebuttal  has  come  to  be  recognized  as  equally  important 
with  positive  argument. 

The  '  natural  man  *  has  a  simple  system  of  refutation : 
'  The  first  speaker  says  that  an  income  tax  is  just :  I  assert  that 
it  is  unjust.  The  second  speaker  thinks  an  income  tax  easy 
to  collect :  I  assure  you  that  he  is  mistaken.  The  third 
speaker  tells  us  that  an  income  tax  is  productive:  I  deny  it.* 
This  is  not  rebuttal ;  it  is  counter  assertion.  The  art  of  refu- 
tation is,  not  to  devote  to  it  a  speech  or  a  distinct  part  of  a 
speech,  but  to  bring  it  in  indirectly  as  a  part  of  your  regular 
line  of  argument ;  to  turn  the  tables  unexpectedly.  '  An  in- 
come tax  always  becomes  a  hateful  inquisition.  The  gentle- 
man said  it  was  just :  is  it  just  to  compel  a  business  man  to 
reveal  to  his  rivals  the  sources  and  amount  of  his  profits  ?  Ex- 
perience has  shown  how  an  income  tax  works.  Let  us  take 
the  Swiss  income  taxes ;  in  Switzerland,  if  anywhere,  they 
ought  to  be  successful.  One  gentleman  has  said  that  an  in- 
come tax  is  easy  to  collect ;  he  evidently  knows  nothing  of 
the  experience  of  Switzerland.' 

Such  an  indirect  attack  is  the  more  effective  because  it^ 


REBUTTAL. 


XXXV 


seems  to  be  a  natural  part  of  the  general  argument.  Of 
course,  however,  no  one  can  use  such  argument  who  does  not 
know  both  sides  of  the  question.  Sometimes  it  is  necessary  to 
raise  a  distinct  issue,  to  lay  down  a  point  as  decisive  between 
the  two  sides,  and  then  to  challenge  the  other  party  to  prove 
or  to  disprove :  to  decline  or  ignore  such  a  challenge  is  a  con- 
fession of  weakness.  The  rebutter  must  watch  for  a  false  step, 
an  unconscious  admission,  a  disinclination  to  tackle  a  difificult 
or  dangerous  point. 

Rebuttal  offers  one  of  the  best  opportunities  for  that  inter- 
play of  co-debaters  which  is  so  striking  a  feature  in  good  con- 
tests. Success  often  depends  on  so  arranging  the  speakers 
that  each  may  make  use  of  his  best  powers :  the  hard -hitter 
must  be  put  where  he  will  have  somebody  to  attack ;  the 
quickest-witted  man  should  be  put  at  the  end,  where  he  may 
gather  up  the  threads  of  the  argument  of  his  side,  and  un- 
ravel his  opponents'.  In  refutation  as  in  the  main  argu- 
ment, no  two  speakers  should  enter  the  same  ground — ex- 
cept by  way  of  emphasis.  Division  of  labor  and  '  team-play  ' 
are  the  two  elements  of  good  debating. 

The  question  of  formal  rebuttal  speeches  has  been  settled 
differently  by  different  societies  and  conferences.  Sometimes 
there  are  two  brief  summing-up  speeches :  sometimes — and 
the  best  practice  tends  that  way — ^each  of  the  main  speakers 
has  a  special  rebuttal  speech.  But  in  any  case  the  rebuttal 
must  not  be  a  mere  summary  ;  it  must  be  a  coherent,  logical 
speech,  leading  up  to  a  climax. 

10.  Persuasive  Speaking. 

So  far  nothing  has  been  said  about  the  delivery.  Sugges- 
tions as  to  attitude,  voice,  enunciation,  intonation,  movement, 
and  gesture,  belong  to  elocution.  In  this  brief  treatise  the 
importance  of  that  side  of  debating  is  as  much  taken  for  granted 
as  grammatical  language,  a  just  use  of  words,  and  clear  expres- 
sion.   Nevertheless  there  are  some  essentials  of  good  debate 


xxxvi 


ART  OF  DEBATE. 


which  even  an  accurate  and  forcible  writer,  speaking  admi- 
rably, may  fail  to  grasp.    Of  these  it  remains  to  speak. 

The  prime  purpose  of  the  debater  is  not  to  show  that  he 
has  a  good  voice,  presence,  manner,  and  power  of  fluent 
speech,  but  that  he  has  something  to  say  which  will  change  or 
reassure  the  hearer's  mind  :  in  a  word,  his  aim  is  not  oratory 
but  conviction.  The  world  over,  and  notably  in  America, 
speaking  ^in  the  grand  manner'  has  lost  its  effect;  good 
speaking  is  looked  on  as  a  means  to  an  end :  and  that  end  is 
persuasion. 

Hence  the  very  first  requisite  is  self-forgetfulness.  The  de- 
bater must  come  out  of  himself,  and  think  only  how  so  to 
wing  his  words  that  they  may  find  lodgment  in  others'  minds. 
There  is  only  one  way  of  assuring  self-forgetfulness  :  and  that 
is  to  be  so  saturated  with  the  subject,  so  imbued  with  a  sense 
of  the  necessity  of  sending  it  home  to  the  hearers,  that  the  mat- 
ter will  come  into  the  speaker's  mind  clear,  well  arranged,  and 
free  ;  otherwise  lie  will  struggle  for  ideas,  his  words  will  elude 
him,  and  he  will  sink  back  into  himself. 

One  means  of  success  in  this  ^  objective  speaking '  is  to 
put  closely  before  your  mind  just  what  you  undertake  to  prove  : 
to  state  your  thesis  early  in  your  speech,  to  restate  it,  amplify 
it,  illustrate  it,  and  to  keep  it  so  closely  before  your  hearers* 
minds  that  they  may  judge  whether  you  establish  it.  If  your 
audience  is  a  party  to  your  thought,  it  will  adhere  to  that  and 
forget  the  speaker  :  and  that  is  your  object. 

Furthermore,  the  debater  must  always  '  talk  to  the  jury. ' 
That  is,  he  must  adapt  his  line  of  argument,  his  method  of 
proof,  and  his  illustrations  to  those  who  listen.  A  speech 
which  would  convince  a  Good  Government  Club  might  not 
find  favor  in  a  ward  caucus  ;  yet  both  bodies  may  be  influenced 
by  sincere  and  well-stated  argument.  Still  more,  the  debater 
must  get  at  his  hearers,  must  compel  them  to  listen  to  him, 
orally  and  intellectually.  In  any  room  not  radically  bad,  if 
a  proper  quality  of  voice  be  used,  no  hearer  who  is  not  deaf 
should  lose  a  single  sentence  or  word.    Still  less  should  he 


HOW  TO  PERSUADE. 


xxxvii 


be  allowed  to  forfeit  the  sense  of  what  he  hears  by  draw- 
ing off  his  thoughts,  because  the  speaker  does  not  seem  to 
be  addressing  him.  By  voice,  gesture,  manner,  form  of  state- 
ment, as  well  as  by  interest  and  cogency  of  argument,  the 
audience  must  be  kept  within  the  radius  of  the  speaker's  in- 
fluence. 

Since  every  audience  is  glad  of  a  decent  excuse  to  leave  the 
speaker  out  of  their  minds,  great  care  must  be  taken  to  avoid 
pauses,  hitches,  substitutions  of  one  word  for  another,  un- 
evenness  in  passing  from  one  branch  of  the  argument  to  an- 
other. A  jerky  speaker  quickly  tires  and  discontents  his  hear- 
ers, while  a  smooth,  even  debater,  whether  he  be  slow  or 
rapid,  carries  people  with  him  from  point  to  point.  Still, 
over-smoothness  must  also  be  avoided ;  for  what  is  said  with- 
out visible  effort  or  concentration  of  thought  seems  too  easy 
to  be  forcible. 

Emphasis  is  like  dynamics  in  music — one  of  the  means  of 
accenting  thought :  but  emphasis  is  of  many  kinds ;  unusual 
loudness  may  be  less  effective  than  a  sudden  dropping  of  the 
voice ;  a  quickening  of  the  utterance  may  be  emphatic,  and  so 
may  unusual  deliberation.  The  good  speaker  uses  all  these 
methods,  just  as  the  organist  chooses  the  stops.  Only  re- 
member that  over-emphasis  is  not  emphasis  ;  for  it  tires,  and 
it  destroys  the  distinction  between  the  less  important  and  the 
more  important.  Like  italics  in  print,  great  emphasis  is  the 
more  effective  because  so  rare.  The  famous  pulpit  orator, 
Robertson,  used  to  put  long  dry  passages  into  his  sermons,  so 
as  to  rouse  his  congregation  when  he  broke  out.  No  speaker 
can  hope  to  carry  an  audience  with  him,  either  into  a  gen- 
erous indignation,  or  into  the  essentials  of  an  argument,  unless 
he  can,  on  occasion,  use  three  or  four  times  his  ordinary  force 
for  a  moment. 

For  a  moment  only :  a  Daniel  Webster,  a  Wendell  Phillips, 
a  Philhps  Brooks,  can  carry  his  hearers  up  with  him  to  a  plane 
above  all  ordinary  experience  and  then  can  also  hold  them 
there  indefinitely ;  the  mortals  must  expect  to  return  to  earth 


xxxviii 


ART  OF  DEBATE. 


again.  Yet  he  is  a  poor  speaker  who  cannot  at  least  warm  up 
to  an  emphatic  climax,  so  as  to  leave  in  his  final  sentence  a 
phrase  or  thought  which  will  stamp  itself  on  the  memory. 

One  caution  is  always  necessary,  especially  to  those  who  are 
obliged  to  defend  a  cause  in  which  they  have  little  heart : 
*  Tell  the  truth  !  '  As  a  principle  of  ethics,  to  say  what  you 
do  not  know  to  be  true  is  very  close  to  saying  what  you  know 
not  to  be  true  ;  as  a  principle  of  debating,  rash,  extravagant, 
violent,  and  prejudiced  statements  damage  the  hearer's  confi- 
dence in  the  speaker,  and  leave  open  a  joint  for  the  rebutter's 
dagger.  A  debater  is  not  called  upon  to  furnish  arguments 
for  the  other  side ;  nor  to  call  attention  to  weaknesses  on  his 
side :  but  he  is  under  the  ordinary  obligation  not  to  deceive 
anybody  by  false  statements. 

He  who  is  by  nature  furnished  with  a  sense  of  humor  has 
one  of  the  debater's  most  effective  weapons :  story-telling  is 
not  argument ;  but  the  most  renowned  American  debater  of 
the  last  forty  years,  Abraham  Lincoln,  knew  that  a  good  story 
may  make  argument  unnecessary.  'Some,'  says  Bacon, 
'  have  in  readiness  so  many  tales  and  stories,  as  there  is  nothing 
they  would  insinuate,  but  they  can  wrap  it  into  a  tale ;  which 
serveth  both  to  keep  themselves  more  in  guard,  and  to  make 
others  carry  it  with  more  pleasure.'  A  telling  jest,  a  quip,  a 
good-natured  but  arrow-headed  allusion  to  the  argument  of 
the  other  side,  puts  the  speaker  into  friendly  relations  with  his 
hearers,  and  gets  their  attention  for  more  serious  matters. 
Good  brief,  pertinent  illustrations  are  the  life  of  debate :  and 
they  often  cause  to  be  remembered  the  argument  to  which 
they  adhere.  Sarcasm  is  a  sharp  and  often  a  cruel  battle- 
axe  :  but  a  jovial  twisting  of  an  opponent's  argument,  a  fanci- 
ful carrying  of  his  reasonings  into  preposterous  details,  may 
cause  his  whole  structure  to  crumble.  Care  must  always  be 
taken  that  the  story  be  pat,  and  be  not  blunted  by  an  awkward 
end.  Take  for  instance  the  young  man  who  was  arguing  on 
the  Salvation  Army  and  who  destroyed  his  own  argument  by 
an  awkward  snapper  :   '  The  gentleman  says  th^t  emotional 


HOW  TO  PERSUADE. 


xxxix 


intoxication  is  better  than  other  kinds  of  intoxication  :  pos- 
sibly;  but  emotional  intoxication  lasts  longer;  and  that  is 
what  we  want/ 

Horace  Greeley  used  to  assert  with  much  acumen  that  in 
specie  payments  Uhe  way  to  resume  is  to  resume.'  So  the 
way  to  persuade  people  is  to  persuade.  Constant  practice 
based  on  hard  thought,  and  a  constant  effort  to  improve, 
make  the  tyro  into  a  fair  speaker,  the  fair  speaker  into  an 
adept,  sometimes  the  adept  into  a  champion. 

To  sum  up  the  question  of  persuasion :  the  principles  of 
good  speaking  are  simply  those  of  good  business  conference 
or  social  intercourse.  You  must  know  what  you  are  talking 
about ;  you  must  be  convinced  that  it  is  worth  saying ;  you 
must  say  it  so  that  people  must  listen  or  lose  something ;  you 
must  convince.  Above  all  you  must  realize  that  people  will 
think  you  a  good  debater  only  if  you  do  alter  in  some  degree 
their  mental  attitude  toward  the  question  which  you  discuss. 
An  orator  may  not  convince,  though  he  may  impress,  an  audi- 
ence or  judges  :  a  genuine  debater,  speaking  out  of  knowl- 
edge, with  a  real  eagerness  to  establish  his  cause,  coming  as 
a  man  to  men,  is  above  even  the  orator,  for  he  can  persuade 
others  not  only  to  agree  with  him  but  to  act  with  him. 

II.  Criticism  of  Debates. 

Practice  in  painting  is  the  foundation  of  the  art,  but  it  can 
almost  never  be  formed  without  the  criticism  of  fellows  and 
masters.  So  it  is  in  debating :  older  and  more  experienced 
minds  have  the  standards  of  good  speaking  constantly  before 
them  ;  and  they  offer  also  the  'giftie  '  of  seeing  ourselves  as' 
others  see  us.  Hence,  for  improvement  in  debate  and  for 
success  in  contests,  there  must  be  expert  criticism. 

The  process  is  one  to  which  the  natural  man  does  not  take 
kindly,  least  of  all  from  his  own  fellows  and  associates.  Some- 
thing may  be  done  by  a  faithfully  incautious  friend  who  will 
risk  a  quarrel  by  telling  you  in  the  privacy  of  his  own  room 


xl 


ART  OF  DEBATE. 


how  badly  you  speak  :  but  a  far  more  effective  criticism  is  that 
delivered  in  public,  at  the  time  of  debate.  All  present  get  the 
advantage  of  the  principles  of  criticism ;  and  a  man  quickly 
learns  that  it  saves  a  mortification  if  he  takes  pains. 

Three  methods  of  criticism  are  common.  The  first  is  that 
used  in  small  debating  societies,  which  appoint  a  member  as 
censor,  to  report  at  the  end  the  faults  which  he  has  observed. 
Unless  the  censor  is  wiser  than  all  the  speakers,  he  will  overlook 
many  faults  j  and  he  has  not  the  weight  to  make  a  just  criti- 
cism felt.  Another  method  is  to  depend  upon  old  members 
of  a  society  or  graduates  of  the  college,  in  their  time  distin- 
guished in  debating.  The  third  system  is  to  make  an  instruct- 
or the  critic ;  and  this  fits  in  well  in  those  schools  and  col- 
leges in  which  debates  are  made  a  part  of  the  academic  work. 
He  should  take  notes  and,  at  the  end  of  the  exercise,  in  the 
presence  of  the  class  or  club,  while  the  speeches  are  still  warm 
in  their  memories,  he  should  briefly  review  each  of  the  speak- 
ers in  turn.  In  some  cases  two  instructors  criticise,  one  on 
the  delivery,  the  other  on  the  effectiveness  of  argument — one 
of  the  two  being  an  expert  on  the  question  under  discussion. 
If  such  a  process  be  repeated  every  week  for  a  year,  especially 
if  there  be  more  than  one  critic,  the  debaters  will  first  admit 
with  reluctance  that  they  have  serious  faults;  and  then  will  set 
to  work  to  eradicate  them. 

Effective  criticism  of  course  includes  discriminating  praise  as 
well  as  blame  :  it  is  as  important  to  keep  up  a  good  habit  as  to 
break  up  a  fault.  A  good  speech  or  good  method  in  a  speech 
is  a  text  for  a  sermon  to  the  whole  class  :  and  judicious  praise 
makes  the  other  kind  of  accompanying  criticism  more  palatable. 

All  faults  are  subjects  for  criticisms  :  errors  of  pronunciation  ; 
misuse  of  words ;  grammatical  slips  ;  or  small  errors  of  fact. 
But  the  main  criticism  should  go  at  those  defects  which  spoil 
matter  otherwise  fair.  Of  course  the  time  given  to  criticism 
is  short  at  best ;  and  most  of  it  must  go  to  pointing  out  and 
enforcing  the  most  characteristic  faults.  It  is  a  great  help  to 
the  debater  if  the  criticism  upon  him  end  with  a  statement  of 


CRITICISM  OF  DEBATERS. 


xli 


his  most  notable  good  point  and  his  most  serious  fault ;  and  a 
practical  hint  for  breaking  up  the  fault.  If  he  speak  indis- 
tinctly and  hurriedly,  tell  him  to  practise  in  what  seems  to 
him  too  deliberate  a  manner :  if  he  hesitate  and  cast  about  for 
a  word,  bid  him  go  over  a  speech  half  a  dozen  times  orally, 
before  he  presents  it.  Proper  criticism,  backed  up  by  honest 
effort,  will  blossom  in  a  steady  improvement  from  month  to 
month,  an  encouragement  to  the  debater,  and  a  relief  to  his 
hearers. 

12.  Bibliography  of  Debating. 

Upon  debate  as  an  art,  little  has  been  written.  The  most 
valuable  treatises  are  Holyoake's  Public  Speaking  and  Debate, 
and  Professor  Baker's  Principles  of  Argumentation,  which 
deals  with  the  principles  common  to  written  and  spoken  argu- 
ment; and  Col.  Higginson's  Hints,  based  on  the  experience 
of  a  successful  public  speaker.  The  formal  rhetorics  all  con- 
sider the  general  subject  of  form  in  the  art  of  language. 
Several  classified  lists  of  debate  subjects  are  mentioned  below. 

For  a  hbrary  suitable  for  a  debating  society  or  college, 
the  printed  briefs  below  give  many  suggestions.  The  books 
most  useful  are :  the  records  of  public  debates ;  the  standard 
histories  of  the  United  States  and  other  countries  ;  sets  of  the 
works  of  orators  and  public  men,  such  as  Washington,  Hamil- 
ton, Webster,  Lincoln,  Burke,  Gladstone,  Bismarck ;  sets  of 
the  periodicals ;  a  file  of  at  least  one  New  York  daily  and  one 
local  daily  newspaper,  and  of  the  Natio7t;  special  works  in 
economic  and  social  history ;  the  best  treatises  in  political 
economy,  finance,  sociology,  government,  and  constitutional 
and  international  law. 

Below  are  a  few  titles  of  books  which  may  be  of  service  to 
the  debater  either  by  suggesting  methods,  or  by  leading  him 
to  references  or  to  lists  of  questions  :  references  to  newspapers, 
periodicals,  monographs  and  general  works  will  be  found 
above  (§  4). 


xlii 


ART  OF  DEBATE. 


Treatises  on  Debating. 

John  Quincy  Adams.  Lectures  on  Rhetoric  and  Oratory,  2  vols. 
Cambridge.    Milliard  and  Metcalfe,  1816. 

The  work  of  a  very  effective  speaker,  but  formally  stated. 

George  Pierce  Baker,  compiler.  Specimens  of  Argumentation,  Modern. 
New  York,  Holt,  1893. 

Selected  specimens  of  argument,  with  a  model  brief. 

George  Pierce  Baker.  The  Principles  of  Argumentation,  Boston 
and  London,  Ginn  &  Co.,  1895. 

Contains  careful  and  thoughtful  discussions  of  argumentation,  analy- 
sis, brief-drawing,  preparatory  reading,  evidence,  and  persuasion,  with 
illustrative  extracts  and  model  briefs. 

[Hugh  Blair.]  Abraham  Mills.  Lectures  on  Rhetoric  and  Belles 
Lettres,  Chiefly  from  the  lectures  of  Dr.  Blair.  New  York,  Lock- 
wood,  1857. 

Lectures  xxiii.-xxxii.  are  on  public  speaking. 

Henry,  Lord  Brougham.     Rhetorical  and  Literary  Dissertations  and 
Addresses.    London  and  Glasgow,  Griffin,  1856. 
Vol.  VII.  of  his  Works. 

George  Campbell.  The  Philosophy  of  Rhetoric,  New  York,  Harpers, 
1851  (another  edition,  1873). 

An  old  book  still  serviceable.  Book  I.  is  devoted  to  *  The  Nature  and 
Foundations  of  Eloquence.' 

Edward  T.  Channing.  Lectures  read  to  the  Seniors  in  Harvard  Col- 
lege.   Boston,  Ticknor,  1856. 

Samuel  Silas  Curry.  The  Province  of  Expression  ;  a  search  for  prin- 
ciples underlying  adequate  7nethods  of  developing  dramatic  and  oratoric 
delivery.    Boston,  School  of  Expression,  i8gi. 

Henry  Noble  Day.  The  Art  of  Discourse  ;  a  systejn  of  rhetoric, 
adapted  for  use  in  colleges  and  academies  and  also  for  private  study. 
New  York,  loth  edition,  i88g. 

Ralph  Waldo  Emerson.    Eloquence  (included  in  Society  and  Solitude, 
Boston,  Houghton,  1883). 
A  brief  essay. 


TREATISES  AND  COMPILATIONS. 


xliii 


Jefferson  Butler  Fletcher  and  George  Rice  Carpenter.  Introduction 
to  The  me- Writing.    Boston,  1893. 
Chapters  vi.  and  vii.  on  Exposition  and  Argument. 

John  Franklin  Genung.  The  Practical  Elements  of  Rhetoric^  with 
illustrative  examples,    Boston,  Ginn,  1887. 

Chapters  vi.  and  viii.  are  on  Exposition,  Argumentation,  Persuasion. 

Thomas  Wentworth  Higginson.  Hints  on  Writing  and  Speech-mak- 
ing.   New  York,  Longmans,  Green,  &  Co. 

Admirable  discussion,  by  a  master  of  the  art  of  persuasion.' 

George  Jacob  Holyoake.  Public  Speaking  and  Debate:  a  Manual  for 
Advocates  and  Agitators.    New  York,  Putnams,  1896. 

A  systematic  treatise  on  convincing  argument,  especially  on  social 
topics. 

William  Mathews.    Oratory  and  Orators.    Chicago,  Griggs,  1879. 

Austin  Phelps.  The  Theory  of  Preaching,  Lectures  on  Homiletics. 
New  York,  Scribners,  1881. 

Especially  good  on  exposition  and  arrangement. 

William  Callahan  Robinson.    Forensic  Oratory;  a  manual  for  advo- 
cates,   Boston,  Little,  Brown  &  Co.,  1893. 
Written  especially  for  law  students. 

Alfred  Sidgwick.  The  Process  of  Argument ;  a  contribution  to  logic, 
London,  Black,  1893. 

Does  not  deal  especially  with  spoken  argument. 

Richard  Whately.  Elements  of  Rhetoric  :  Comprising  an  Analysis  of 
the  Laws  of  Moral  Evidence  and  of  Persuasion^  with  Rules  for  ArgU' 
7nentative  Composition  and  Elocution,    Many  editions. 

Part  IV.  is  on  public  speaking. 


Compilations  for  Current  Events. 

The  Annual  Register^  a  Review  of  Public  Events  at  Home  a7id 
Abroad,    London  and  New  York,  Longmans,  Green,  &  Co. 

Annual ;  issued  since  1758.    Excellent  summaries  of  foreign  politics. 


xliv 


ART  OF  DEBATE. 


Appletori  s  Annual  Cyclopcedia  and  Register  of  Important  Events, 
New  York,  Appleton. 

Annual;  issued  1861-74,  2iS>  American  Annual  Cyclopcedia ;  contains 
documents,  biographies,  and  Summaries  of  current  events. 

Bureau  of  Statistics.  Statistical  Abstract  of  the  United  States,  Wash- 
ington, Government  Printing  Office. 

Annual  ;  issued  since  1878  ;  includes  banks,  taxes,  commerce,  debts, 
etc. 

Edward  McPherson.  A  Hand-Book  of  Politics  .  .  .  being  a  Record 
of  Important  Political  Action^  legislative  and  Executive ^  National  and 
State.    Washington,  Beall. 

Biennial  (even  years)  ;  issued  since  1868. 

Michael  T.  Mulhall.  The  Dictionary  of  Statistics,  London,  Routledge, 
1892. 

Standard  compilation  of  social  and  economic  statistics. 

H.  V.  and  H.  W.  Poor.  Manual  of  the  Railroads  of  the  United  States, 
New  York,  Poor. 

Annual  ;  issued  since  1868  ;  includes  also  statistics  of  corporations, 
and  of  State,  county,  and  city  debts. 

Secretary  of  the  Treasury.   A  nnual  Report  on  the  State  of  the  Finances, 
Annual ;  issued  since  1789  ;  includes  official  statements  as  to  debt, 
currency,  coinage,  banks,  taxes,  etc. 

The  State sfiian^ s  Year-Book,  Statistical  and  Historical  Annual  of  the 
States  of  the  World,  [J.  Scott  Keltic,  editor,  assisted  by  I.  P.  A.  Ren- 
wick.]    London,  Macmillan  &  Co. 

Annual;  issued  since  1864  ;  contains  the  latest  information  about  all 
the  governments  of  the  world,  with  brief  lists  of  books. 

The  Tribune  Almanac  and  Political  Register,  [Henry  Eckford 
Rhoades,  editor.]    New  York,  The  Tribune  Association. 

Annual  ;  issued  since  1856  ;  contains  details  about  the  national  and 
State  governments,  an  abstract  of  important  legislation  and  statements  of 
votes. 

Joseph  Whitaker.  An  Almanack  for  the  Year  of  Our  Lord.  ,  .  . 
London,  Whitaker. 

Annual  ;  issued  since  1869  ;  contains  statistics,  etc.,  on  Great  Britain 
and  the  British  colonies. 


MODEL  SPEECHES. 


xlv 


The  World  Almanac  and  Encyclopcedia.  New  York,  Press  Pub- 
lishing Co. 

Annual  ;  issued  since  1873  ;  similar  to  the  Tribune  Almanac. 

Collections  of  Model  Speeches. 

Charles  Kendall  Adams,  editor.  Representative  British  Orations  : 
with  introductions  and  explanatory  notes.  3  vols.  New  York,  Put- 
nams,  1885-92. 

An  excellent  collection  of  English  speeches. 

William  Clarke,  editor.  Political  Orations^  from  Wentworth  to  Ma- 
caulay.  With  an  introduction,  London,  Scott,  1889.  Camelot  Series, 
vol.  40. 

C.  A.  Goodrich.  Select  British  Eloquence^  embracing  the  best  speeches 
Entire  of  the  most  Eminent  Orators  of  Great  Britain  for  the  last  two 
centuries.    New  York,  Harper  &  Brothers,  1852. 

William  Hazlitt.  Eloquence  of  the  British  Senate^  a  selection  of 
speeches  of  Parliamentary  speakers  from  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of 
Charles  I,    2  vols.   London  and  Edinburgh,  Cradock,  181 2. 

Frank  Moore.  American  Eloquence  :  a  collection  of  speeches  and  ad- 
dresses by  the  most  eminent  Orators  of  America.  2  vols.  New  York, 
Appletons,  1857. 

Alexander  Johnston,  editor.  Representative  Afuerican  Orations^  to  il- 
lustrate American  Political  History.  3  vols.  New  York  and  London, 
Putnams,  1884  ;  new  edition,  1896. 

An  excellent  collection  of  American  speeches — suitable  for  models. 

E.  B.  Williston,  compiler.  Eloquence  of  the  United  States,  5  vols. 
Middletown,  Clark,  1821. 

Finding  Lists. 

John  Griffith  Ames.  Finding  List,  showing  where  in  the  set  of  Con* 
gressional  Documents  the  individual  volumes  of  certain  series  of  Goverfi- 
7?ient  publications  are  found,    Washington,  1893. 

Convenient  in  searching  for  Government  documents. 

Richard  R.  Bowker  and  George  lies,  editors.  The  Reado's  Guide  in 
Economic^  Social,  and  Political  Science,  Economic  Tracts,  A^o,  2^, 
New  York,  Putnams,  1891. 

A  classified  bibliography,  American,  English,  French,  and  German, 


xlvi 


ART  OF  DEBATE. 


with  descriptive  notes,  author,  title  and  subject  index,  courses  of  reading, 
list  of  college  courses,  etc.  Very  convenient  on  political  and  economic 
subjects. 

Edward  Channing  and  Albert  Bushnell  Hart.  Guide  to  the  Study  of 
American  Histojy.    Boston,  Ginn  &  Co.,  1896. 

Classified  lists  of  the  important  books  ;  and  about  a  hundred  and 
forty  topics  in  American  history,  with  references  to  secondary  books, 
sources,  and  bibliographies. 

Alonzo  W.  Church  and  Henry  H.  Smith,  compilers.  Tables  showing 
the  Contents  of  the  several  volumes  comprising  the  Annals  of  Congress^ 
Congressional  Debates^  Congressional  Globe ^  Supre??te  Court  Reports^  etc.^ 
arranged  by  Years  and  Congresses.    Washington,  1 892. 

Useful  for  finding  in  what  volume  occurs  a  particular  date  or  decision. 

William  I.  Fletcher.  The  ''A.  L.  A,'  Index;  a^i  index  to  general 
literature^  biographical,  historical^  and  literary  essays  and  sketches,  re- 
ports and  publications  of  boards  and  societies  dealing  with  education^ 
health,  labor,  charities,  corrections,  etc.  Issued  by  the  publishing  section 
of  the  American  Library  Association.    Boston,  Houghton,  1892. 

This  index  supplements  Poole's  by  referring  to  publications  not  strictly 
classed  as  periodicals. 

William  E.  Foster.    References  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States.    New  York,  Putnams,  1890. 
Admirable  on  constitutional  questions. 

William  E.  Foster.    References  to  the  History  of  Presidential  Admin- 
istrations, Jj8g-i88^.    New  York,  Society  for  Political  Education,  1886. 
Admirable  for  American  political  history. 

Albert  Bushnell  Hart  and  George  Pierce  Baker.  Harvard  Debating 
Subjects  and  Suggestions  for  Courses  in  Debate.  Cambridge,  Harvard 
University,  1896. 

Includes  all  the  subjects  on  political,  economic,  and  social  topics  debated 
in  the  Harvard  societies  and  debate  courses  and  also  the  subjects  of  the 
intercollegiate  debates. 

[George  lies.]  Questions  for  Debate  in  Politics  and  Economics, 
with  Subjects  for  Essays  and  Terms  for  Definition,  New  York, 
Society  for  Political  Education,  1889. 

About  six  hundred  classified  questions. 


FINDING  LISTS. 


xlvii 


J.  W.  Jenks.  Practical  Economic  Questions.  Albany,  N.  Y.  Uni- 
versity Extension  Department,  1892. 

An  elaborate  syllabus,  almost  in  '  brief  form,  of  a  course  of  ten  lect- 
ures ;  with  lists  of  debatable  questions. 

Leonard  Augustus  Jones.  An  Index  to  Legal  Periodical  Literature. 
Boston,  Soule,  1888. 

A  key  to  about  a  hundred  and  sixty  sets  of  legal  periodicals  ;  extremely 
valuable  on  constitutional  and  political  subjects. 

Henry  Matson.  References  for  Literary  Workers  :  with  Introductions 
to  Topics  and  Questions  for  Debate.    Chicago,  McClurg,  1892. 
Refers  both  to  books  and  periodicals  ;  list  of  debate  questions. 

William  Frederick  Poole.  An  Index  to  Periodical  Literature.  Boston, 
Osgood,  1853.  Third  Edition,  continued  to  1882  with  the  assistance  of 
W.  I.  Fletcher.    Boston,  Osgood,  1882. 

There  are  two  supplements  ;  the  First  Supplement^  by  Poole  and 
"letcher,  with  the  assistance  of  the  American  Library  Association,  covers 
the  years  1882-87  (Boston,  Houghton,  1888)  ;  the  Second  Supplement 
(without  Poole)  brings  the  work  to  1892  (Boston,  Houghton,  1893). 
Since  then  Fletcher  and  R.  R.  Bowker,  with  the  co-operation  of  the  Amer- 
ican Library  Association  and  of  the  Library  Journal  staff,  have  resumed 
the  work  on  the  same  Unes  in  The  Annual  Literary  Lndex.  New  York, 
Publishers'  Weekly. 

Indispensable  for  collecting  information  and  preparing  briefs. 

Edwin  Erie  Sparks.  Topical  Reference  Lists  in  Aiiierican  History, 
Columbus,  Smythe,  1893. 

Gives  numerous  specific  references  to  the  standard  secondary  works. 

Albert  Bushnell  Hart. 


Harvard  University,  July  i,  1896. 


POLITICS. 


SUFFRAGE. 
I. 

FEDERAL  CONTROL  OF  NATIONAL  ELECTIONS. 

Question  :  ^  Resolved^  That  Congress  ought  to  pass  an  act 
establishing  federal  control  over  national  elections.  * 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  references  :  H.  C.  Lodge  in  Congressional  Rec- 
ord, 1 889-1 890,  p.  6538  (June  26,  1890)  ;  North  American 
Review,  Vol.  151,  p.  257  (September,  1890),  p.  593  (No- 
vember, 1890);  W.  E.  Chandler  in  Forum,  IX.,  705  (Au- 
gust, 1890);  v.,  508  (July,  1888)  ;  Report  of  Select  Com- 
mittee H.  of  R.,  House  Reports,  1889-1890,  No.  2493. 

I.  The  welfare  of  the  nation  demands  the  preservation  of 
an  honest  ballot  :  Congressional  Record,  188 9- 1890,  p.  6540. 
 {a)  The  fundamental  principle  of  our  democratic  gov- 
ernment is  the  will  of  the  majority  of  the  people. — (i)  The 
means  of  expressing  that  will  lies  in  the  ballot.  (/^)  Of- 
fences against  the  ballot  which  are  left  unpunished  weaken  the 
authority  of  the  Constitution. — (i)  Articles  in  the  Constitution 
expressly  call  for  an  honest  vote. 

II.  The  present  ballot  system  is  corrupt :  Cofigressional 

Record,  1 889-1 890,  p.  6608  (June  27,  1890).  {a')  The 

negroes  are  intimidated  and  ballots  are  illegally  counted  in 
the  South.  (^)  There  are  frauds  and  corruption  in  north- 
ern states.-- (i)  New  York:  J.  J.  Davenport,  The  J  Fig  and 


2 


POLITICS. 


the  Jimi7iy,  or  a  Leaf  in  the  Political  History  of  New  York. — 
(2)  Election  of  1889  in  Montana:  Public  Opinion,  VIII.,  55 
(October  26,  1889). 

III.  Federal  control  offers  the  best  remedy.  {a)  State 

governments  show  no  desire  to  make  reform.  {b)  Federal 

control  would  insure  uniformity  of  the  laws  and  would  make 
certain  their  execution. — (i)  Violations  of  the  ballot,  in- 
stead of  being  held  as  offences  against  one  state,  would  be 
held  as  offences  against  the  whole  nation. 

IV.  Congress  has  the  constitutional  power  to  regulate  elec- 
tions. {a)  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  Art.  I.,  Sec.  4, 

§  I.  {F)  Decisions  of  the  Supreme  Court :  Ex  parte  ^\Q}oo\d., 

100  U.  S.,  371.  Commentators:  G.  W.  McCreary, 

Election  Laws,  §§  17,  143,  573;  H.  von  Hoist,  Constitu- 
tional Law,  p.  72,  note;  J.  I.  C.  Hare,  Constitutional  Law, 
I.,  527,  528;  J.  Story,  Commentaries  on  the  Constitution, 
§§  814-827. 

Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references:  North  Americ  ait  Review,  Vol.  151, 
p.  266  (September,  1890)  ;  Foruin,  V.,  134  (April,  1888),  383 
(June,  1888);  Vni.,  365  (December,  1889);  Nation, 
XLIX.,  185  (September  5,  1889)  ;  LL,  104  (August  7, 
1890),  161  (August  28,  1890)  ;  Public  Opinion,  IX.,  237 
(June  21,  1890),  261  (June  28,  1890),  285  (July  5,  1890), 
309  (July  12,  1890),  383  (August  2,  1890),  427  (August  16, 
1890),  471  (August  30,  1890);  Congressioiial  Record,  1889- 
1890,  pp.  6550,  6560  (June  26,  1890),  p.  6702  (June  28, 
1890). 

I.  A  federal  election  bill  is  contrary  to  sound  public  policy. 

 {a)  It  is  unconstitutional  :    Congressional  Record,  1889- 

1890,  p.  6560. — (i)  It  gives  to  a  clause  an  interpretation  not 
intended  when  the  Constitution  was  framed. — (2)  It  deprives 
the  state  of  the  power  to  determine  the  qualifications  for  suf- 
frage. (J?)  It  would  violate  the  custom  of  our  republican 


FEDERAL  PROTECTION  OF  NEGRO  SUFFRAGE.  3 


institutions. — (i)  By  breaking  down  the  principle  of  self-con- 
trol.— (2)  By  tending  toward  too  great  centralization  of 
popular  government. 

II.  The  evils  do  not  warrant  national  legislation.  (^) 

Fraudulent  elections  are  confined  only  to  a  distinct  section, 

while  the  bill  would  be  general.  (^)  The  present  laws 

would  be  sufficient  if  enforced:  Nation,  LI.,  104;  Revised 
Statutes,  1878,  Sec.  2004  et  seq, 

III.  National  regulation  would  not  benefit  conditions  in  the 

South:  JVatio?t,  LI.,  104.  (<:?)  It  would  aggravate  race 

prejudice:  Cojtgressional  Record,  1889-1890,  p.  6705  (June 

28,  1890)  ;  Natio7t,  LI.,  104.  {b)  Interference  in  southern 

elections  has  once  been  tried  and  has  proved  a  failure : 
Forum,  VII.,  246-247  (May,  1889);  Encyclopcedia  Britan- 
nica,  XXIII.,  784. 

IV.  National  legislation  would  be  dangerous  in  effect.  

{a)  It  would  involve  great  unnecessary  expense  :  Congressional 

Record,  1 889-1 890,  p.  6550.  {Ji)  In  the  North  and  West 

the  evils  of  office -seeking  would  grow.  {f)  Corruption 

would  be  unnecessarily  invited  :  North  American  Review, 
Vol.  151,  p.  267.  {d')  It  would  complicate  state  elec- 
tions. {e)  Antagonism  to  the  national  government  would 

be  encouraged  :  Congressional  Record,  188 9- 1890,  p.  6772 
(June  30,  1890)  ;  Annual  Cyclopcedia,  1877,  P-  1^^  y  ^^79^ 
p.  561. 

II. 

FEDERAL  PROTECTION  OF  NEGRO  SUFFRAGE. 

Question  :  '  Resolved,  That  the  United  States  government 
ought  to  interfere  to  protect  the  southern  negro  in  the  exer- 
cise of  the  suffrage. ' 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  references  :  A.  W.  Tourgee,  An  Appeal  to 
Ccesar ;   G.  W.  Cable,  llic  Silent  South  ;   H.  C.  Lodge  in 


4 


POLITICS. 


Congressional  Record,  1889- 1890,  pp.  6538-6544  (June  26, 
1890);  Forum,  IV.,  376-382  (December,  1887);  V.,  508 
(July,  1888)  ;  North  American  Review,  Vol.  151,  p.  257 
(September,  1890),  pp.  593-600,  604-605  (November,  1890); 
Contemporary  Review,  LIII.,  443  (March,  1888). 

I.  The  negroes  are  deprived  of  their  rights  of  suffrage  :  An 
Appeal  to  Ccesar,  pp.  68-87;  Contemporary  Review,  LIII., 
443;  North  American  Review,  Vol.  151,  pp.  593-600,  604, 
605. 

II.  This  deprivation  is  an  evil :  'Contemporary  Review,  LIII. , 

465  ;  The  Silent  South,  p.  16.  {a)  It  is  harmful  to  the 

South. — (i)  It  causes  class  friction. — (2)  The  moral  effect  of 

a  violation  of  the  Constitution  is  bad.  {U)  It  is  harmful  to 

the  negro. — (i)  It  denies  him  the  educating  influence  of 
citizenship.  {c)  It  is  opposed  to  the  spirit  of  American  in- 
stitutions. 

III.  The  evil  should  be  remedied.  {a)  Individual  free- 
dom is  a  right,  not  a  privilege.  {b)  The  evil  is  becoming 

more  and  more  fixed.  {/)  It  will  not  remedy  itself. 

IV.  The  remedy  should  come  from  the  federal  government. 

 {a)  The  states  cannot  be  depended  upon  to  guarantee  the 

suffrage  to  the  negroes.  (J?)  The  elections  are  United 

States  elections,  and  are  controlled  by  federal  law.  {/)  In- 
terference by  the  United  States  government  would  be  consti- 
tutional:  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  Art.  I.,  Sec.  4, 
§  I  ;  Art.  IV.,  Sec.  4;  North  American  Review,  Vol.  128, 
pp.  458-461  (May,  1879);  Congressional  Record,  1878-1879, 
pp.  997-999  (February  5,  1879). 

Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references:  James  Bryce  in  North  American 
Review,  Vol.  153,  p.  641  (December,  1891);  Vol.  154,  p. 
401  (March,  1892);  Nation,  LL,  104  (August  7,  1890); 
LIV.,  207  (March  17,   1892);   Civil  Rights  Cases,  109 


FEDERAL  PROTECTION  OF  NEGRO  SUFFRAGE.  5 

U.S.,2>)  Congressional  Record,  1874-1875,  pp.  1 791-1797 
(February  26,  1875),  PP-  1861-1870  (February  27,  1875)  ; 
James  Bryce,  The  American  Commonwealth,  II.,  Chap,  xciii. 

I.  Interference  by  the  United  States  government  would  be 
unconstitutional:  Congressional  Record,  1874-1875,  Appen- 
dix, pp.  103,  113,  117,  143,  156.  {a)  All  powers  not 

granted  by  the  Constitution  are  reserved  by  the  states  :  Consti- 
tution of  the  United  States,  Amend.  X.  (J?)  The  thir- 
teenth, fourteenth,  and  fifteenth  amendments  of  the  Constitu- 
tion do  not  interfere  with  the  police  powers  of  the  states : 
Bartemeyer  v.  Iowa,  18  Wallace,  138 ;  Slaughter  House 
Cases,  16  Wallace,  62. 

II.  Effective  enforcement  of  such  a  measure  is  impractica- 
ble. {a)  No  measure  would  furnish  protection  beyond  the 

polls.  {J))  The  present  federal  law  has  never  been  effec- 
tively enforced. 

III.  There  are  political  objections  to  such  a  measure.  

{a)  It  would  be  a  partisan  measure.  {U)  It  would  create  a 

large  amount  of  federal  patronage  :  North  American  Review, 
Vol.  151,  p.  266  (September,  1890). 

IV.  It  would  not  benefit  the  negro.  {a)  His  ignorance 

incapacitates  him  from  voting  intelligently  or  independently. 

 {U)  It  would  render  his  position  harder  than  at  present : 

Nation,  LIV.,  207. 

V.  It  would  result  in  serious  evils.  {a)  It  would  in- 
jure the  whites. — (i)  In  several  states  an  ignorant  negro  vote 
would  hold  the  balance  of  power.  {b)  It  would  revive  sec- 
tional animosities.  {/)  It  would  arouse  antagonism  against 

the  national  government.  (^)  It  would  increase  race  ha- 
tred :  Nation,  LI.,  126  (August  14,  1890). 

VI.  There  is  a  prospect  of  natural  solutions.  {a)  By  a 

decrease  in  the  proportion  of  blacks  to  whites.  {U)  Through 

education. 


6 


POLITICS. 


III. 

DISFRANCHISEMENT  OF  THE  NEGROES. 

Question  :  ^  Resolved,  That  the  suffrage  should  be  taken 
from  the  negroes  in  the  southern  states.' 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  references:  H.  W.  Grady  in  Century,  VII., 
909  (April,  1885)  ;  James  Bryce  in  North  American  Review, 
153?  P-  (December,  1891)  ;  J.  B.  Craighead  in 

Popular  Science  Mo7ithly,  XXVI.,  39  (November,  1884);  A. 
B.  Hart  in  Nation,  LIV.,  207  (March  17,  1892);  P.  A. 
Bruce,  The  Plantation  Negro,  Chap.  ii. 

I.  The  suffrage  was  given  to  the  negroes  of  the  South  un- 
wisely. {a)  Their  training  as  slaves  unfitted  them  for  citi- 
zenship:  Forum,  I.,  126  (April,  1886).  {U)  No  naturali- 
zation process  was  required.  {c)  Their  enfranchisement 

was  contrary  to  the  expectations  of  many  abolitionists.  (^) 

Their  enfranchisement  was  a  partisan  measure  to  perpetuate 
the  Republican  party. 

II.  The  negroes  are  unfitted  for  the  suffrage.  {a)  Lack 

of  virtue  and  morality  is  inherent  in  the  race:  Nation,  LIV., 

208  ;  The  Plantation  Negro,  Chap.  ii.  {U)  They  are  easily 

led  by  superstition.  {/)  They  are  generally  incapable  of 

any  but  the  simplest  education.  (^/)  When  left  to  them- 
selves they  have  generally  fallen  back  into  barbarism :  Poptc- 
lar  Science  Mo7ithly,  XXIV.,  43. 

III.  The  negroes  have  proved  unworthy  of  the  suffrage.  

(<^)  They  have  not  the  courage  to  vote  even  when  they  out- 
number the  whites.  {Ii)  They  have  shown  no  independent 

political  judgment. — (i)  They  are  easily  led  by  i)olitical  dem- 
agogues. {/)   The  reconstructive  governments  controlled 


DISFRANCHISEMENT  OF  THE  NEGROES. 


7 


by  the  negroes  were  marked  by  reckless  expenditure  and  theft : 
Lalor's  Cyclopcedia^  III.,  554-555- 

IV.  Disfranchisement  would  result  in  positive  good.  

id)  It  would  remove  the  intense  race  antagoniswn  in  the  South 
which  is  caused  by  the  fear  of  the  whites  that  the  negroes  will 
get  control  of  the  polls.  (b)  It  would  strengthen  the  au- 
thority of  the  Constitution. — (i)  By  repealing  articles  which 

are  inoperative.  {c)  The  negroes  for  all  practical  purposes 

are  deprived  of  the  suffrage. 

Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references  :  G.  W.  Cable,  The  Negro  Question; 
G.  W.  Cable,  The  Silent  Soicth ;  James  Bryce,  The  America^i 
Commonwealth,  II.,  Chap,  xciii.;  A.  W.  Tourgee,  An  Appeal 
to  Ccesar ;  James  Bryce  in  North  American  Review,  Vol.  153, 
p.  641  (December,  1891);  Vol.  128,  p.  225  (March,  1879); 
Forum,  I.,  562  (August,  1886);  X.,  335  (November,  1890); 
Popular  Science  Monthly,  XXVIII.,  24  (November,  1885); 
Nation,  XLVIIL,  461  (June  6,  1889);  LIIL,  208  (Septem- 
ber 17,  1 891);  Atlantic  Monthly,  LIV.,  696  (November, 
1884). 

I.  To  take  away  the  suffrage  from  the  negroes  would  be  a 

breach  of  faith  on  the  part  of  the  government.  {a)  Suffrage 

is  guaranteed  by  the  Constitution.  (U)  Disfranchisement 

would  require  nullification  of  the  fifteenth  amendment. 

II.  The  negro  has  shown  himself  worthy  of  the  suffrage.  

{a)  His  improvement,  though  slow,  has  been  steady :  Popular 

Science  Monthly,  XXVIII.,  35.  {b)  He  has  always  been 

loyal  to  the  government:  The  Negro  Question,  p.  39.  

{c)  His  ignorance  is  no  reason  for  considering  him  unworthy 
to  vote  when  the  same  distinction  is  not  made  in  the  case  of 
ignorant  whites. 

III.  The  withdrawal  of  the  suffrage  would  be  disastrous : 
North  American  Review,  Vol.  153,  p.  655.  {a)  It  would 


8 


POLITICS. 


give  the  southern  whites  almost  absolute  control  over  the 

negroes.  (J?)  It  would  increase  race  prejudice  by  making 

a  distinction  on  color  lines.  (c)  The  intelHgent  as  well  as 

the  ignorant  would  be  deprived  of  the  suffrage. 

IV.  The  remedy  for  the  existing  evil  lies  in  education,  not 
in  disfranchisement.  (^)  The  negro  is  capable  of  educa- 
tion. (^)  An  educational  qualification  would  stimulate  his 

desire  for  self-improvement. 

IV. 

WOMAN  SUFFRAGE. 
Question  :  *  Resolved y  That  woman  suffrage  is  desirable/ 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  references  :  Dr.  M.  P.  Jacobi,  *  Common 
Sense^  Applied  to  Woman  Suffrage ;  T.  W.  Higginson,  Com- 
mon Seitse  about  Women ;  George  William  Curtis,  Equal 
Rights  for  Women  ;  Julia  Ward  Howe,  T.  W.  Higginson, 
Lucy  Stone,  Elizabeth  Cady  Stanton,  and  Wendell  PhiUips, 
in  North  American  Review y  Vol.  129,  pp.  413-446  (Novem- 
ber, 1879);  J.  S.  Mill,  The  Subjection  of  Women;  J.  S. 
Mill,  Representative  Government^  Chap,  viii.;  Wendell  Phil- 
lips, Speeches,  Lectures,  and  Addresses  (First  Series),  p.  11  ; 
Senate  Reports,  1888-1889,  No.  2543  ;  Century,  XLVIII., 
605  (August,  1894)  ;  Forum,  II.,  439  (January,  1887)  ;  III., 
131  (April,  1887);  XVIII. ,  406  (December,  1894). 

I.  Woman  sufifrage  is  desirable  theoretically.  {a)  The 

best  government  comes  from  the  consent  of  the  governed. — 
(i)  Women  are  citizens  in  all  but  the  right  to  vote:  U,  S. 
Revised  Statutes,  Sees.  1992— 1994.  {b)  Taxation  with- 
out representation  is  unjust. — (i)  Women  own  property  as 
well  as  men.  {c)  The  ballot  is  the  only  efficient  protec- 


WOMAN  SUFFRAGE. 


9 


tion  to  a  person's  interests. — (i)  Women  are  not  represented 
by  men  :  Equal  Rights  for  Women^  pp.  8-13. 

II.  Woman  suffrage  will  raise  the  position  of  woman.  

{a)  Legally. — (i)  It  will  protect  her  interests.  {b)  In- 
tellectually.— (i)  It  will  stimulate  education.  {/)  Social- 
ly.— (i)  It  will  give  her  equality  in  the  home.  (^)  The 

objection  that  woman  will  be  taken  out  of  her  sphere  is  un- 
sound :  '  Common  Sense '  Applied  to  Woman  Suffrage,  pp.  93— 
108. — (i)  Such  a  conception  is  a  relic  of  militarism. — (2) 
Womanliness  is  the  result  of  maternal  instincts,  not  of  outside 
influences. — (3)  Recent  reforms  have  not  made  woman  un- 
womanly. 

III.  Woman  suffrage  will  benefit  the  government.  {a) 

Politics  will  be  purified. — (i)  Women  have  a  higher  standard 

of  morality  than  men.  {J?)  The  conservative  influence  of 

the  home  will  be  brought  in.  {/)  New  abilities  will  be 

made  available.  {d)  The  objection  that  women  are  led  by 

impulse  is  not  true. — (i)  Women,  although  given  the  suf- 
frage by  the  Populists,  overthrew  that  party  in  Kansas. 

IV.  Woman  suffrage  is  demanded  by  women  :  Arena,  ^^.^ 
353  (February,  1895).  {a)  The  movement  is  led  by  repre- 
sentative women.  {U)  The  movement  is  growing  rapidly  : 

*  Common  Sense  '  Applied  to  Woman  Suffrage,  pp.  60-61.  

{c)  The  fact  that  many  women  oppose  is  no  objection. — (i) 
All  reforms  are  met  by  opposition  at  first. 

V.  Woman  suffrage  is  practicable.  {a)  Woman  is  man's 

equal  intellectually.  (^)  In  ability  to  support  herself.  

{c)  In  economic  importance.  {d)  The  experiment  has  been 

successful  where  it  has  been  tried. — (i)  In  Wyoming,  Colo- 
rado, and  Kansas :  '  Common  Sense '  Applied  to  Woman  Suf- 
frage, ^^y^.  153-158. 

Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references:  New  Englander,  XLIII.,  193 
(March,  1884);  Foru7n,  IV.,  i  (September,  1887);  Ni?te- 
teenth  Century,  XXV.,   781   (June,   1889);   Catherine  E. 


lO 


POLITICS. 


Beecher,  Woman's  Profession ;  Francis  Parkman,  Woman 
Suffrage ;  Horace  Bushnell,  Women's  Suffrage y  the  Reform 
against  Nature  ;  J.  K.  Bluntchli,  Theory  of  the  State ^  Bk.  II., 
Chap.  XX.;  Minority  Report  on  Woman  Suffrage,  Senate  Re- 
po7^ts,  1888-1889,  I.,  No.  2543;  Foruniy  Ylll.,  515  (Janu- 
ary, 1890) ;  Popular  Science  Monthly ^  V.,  427  (August, 
1874);  Nation,  XLIV.,  310  (April  14,  1887);  Arena,  II., 
175  (July,  1890). 

I.  The  suffrage  is  not  a  natural  right  of  all  citizens.  {a) 

It  is  a  privilege  conferred  from  considerations  of  expediency  : 
Lalors  Cyclopcedia,  III.,  822  ;  J.  N.  Pomeroy,  Constitutional 
Law,  §  256  h;  Minor  v,  Happersett,  21  Wallace,  165-178. 

II.  Woman  suffrage  is  not  necessary.  {a)  Women's  in- 
terests are  already  well  represented ;  their  interests,  though 
equal  to  men's,  are  not  identical  with  them.  {b)  The  ma- 
jority of  women  do  not  want  it :  Nineteenth  Century,  XXV. , 
781-785. — (i)  Advocated  by  a  few  zealots. — (2)  Where 
privilege  exists  it  is  Httle  used. 

III.  Woman  suffrage  would  be  prejudicial  to  state  interests. 

 {a)  It  would  confer  the  franchise  upon  persons  unfitted  for 

poHtics:  Nation,  X.,  205  (March  31,  1870). — (i)  Physically. 
— (2)  By  temperament. — (3)  By  susceptibility  to  undue  in- 
fluence. {b)  It  would  greatly  increase  the  number  of  illit- 
erate and  unquahfied  voters  :  New  Englander,  XLIII.,  207. — 
(i)  The  women  who  would  use  it  belong  to  the  lowest  classes 

in  our  cities. — (2)  Competent  women  would  not  use  it.  {/) 

It  would  give  rise  to  lax  laws  and  weaken  the  government. — 
(i)  Laws  must  be  sanctioned  by  physical  strength. — (2)  The 
best  governments  are  supported  by  a  preponderance  of  physical 
force. 

IV.  Woman  suffrage  would  be  deleterious  to  the  interests 

of  society.  {a)  It  would  take  woman  from  her  natural 

sphere — the  home.  {F)  It  would  diminish  her  elevating 

and  refining  influence:  Arena,  II.,  175;  H.  Bushnell,  Wom- 
en's Suffrage,  p.  20. 


MUNICIPAL  SUFFRAGE. 


II 


V. 

A  PROPERTY   QUALIFICATION    FOR    MUNICIPAL  SUF- 
FRAGE. 

Question  :  '  Resolved,  That,  if  it  were  possible,  a  reason- 
able property  qualification  for  the  exercise  of  the  municipal 
franchise  in  the  United  States  would  be  desirable.' 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  references  :  Popular  Science  Monthly y  XXX. , 
296  (January,  1887),  520  (February,  1887)  ;  North  American 
Review,  Yo\.  137,  p.  218  (September,  1883);  Andrew  D. 
White  in  Forum,  X.,  357  (December,  1890);  C.  W.  Ehot 
in  Forum,  XII.,  153  (October,  1891)3  A.  P.  Wilder,  The 
Municipal  Problem,  pp.  44-56, 

I.  The  franchise  is  a  privilege  to  be  granted  to  those  most 
likely  to  use  it  for  the  public  welfare :  J.  N.  Pomeroy,  Consti- 
tutional Law,  §§  207-209,  256  h;  Minor  v.  Happersett,  21 
Wallace,  162. 

II.  A  property  qualification  for  the  municipal  franchise  will 
confer  it  upon  those  most  likely  to  use  it  for  the  public  welfare. 

 {a)  It  will  make  a  more  intelligent  class  of  voters.  

{F)  It  will  exclude  those  indifferent  to  the  public  welfare. — 
(i)  Dependent  classes,  susceptible  to  bribery. — (2)  Pauper 
immigrants. 

III.  Experience  shows  that  those  cities  which  have  a  prop- 
erty qualification  are  better  governed  than  those  which  have 
an  unrestricted  suffrage:  Nation,  XXXIV.,  245  (March  23, 
1882),  267  (March  30,  1882);  Albert  Shaw,  Municipal 
Government  in  Great  Britain,  pp.  45,  77  ;  Nezv  Revietv,  XI., 
74  (July,  1894),  499  (November,  1894);  Forum,  ^NW., 
659  (August,  1894).  {a)  Municipal  government  in  the 


12 


POLITICS. 


United  States  is  extravagant,  inefficient,  and  corrupt.  (J?) 

European  cities  having  property  qualification  are  economically 
and  efficiently  governed. 

Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references  :  James  Bryce,  The AmericanCommon' 
wealthy  I.,  Chaps,  li.,  Hi.;  H.  C.  Adams,  Public  Debts ^^p^. 
343-375;  A.  P.  Wilder,  The  Municipal  Problevt ;  Allinson 
and  Penrose,  Philadelphia,  1681-1887  (Johns  Hopkins 
Studies,  extra  Vol.  II.),  Chap.  v.  ;  Joseph  Chamberlain  in 
Forum,  XIV.,  267  (November,  1892);  Proceedings  of  Na- 
tional Conference  for  Good  City  Government,  1894;  Bibliog- 
raphies of  Municipal  Government  in  preceding,  and  in  Provi- 
dence Public  Library  Bulletin^  Vol.  I.,  No.  2,  p.  14  (February, 
1895)- 

I.  A  broad  suffrage  in  cities  is  on  general  principles  desir- 
able. (^)  All  citizens  have  a  stake  in  the  government.  

(U)  It  is  in  keeping  with  the  spirit  of  democratic  institutions. 

 {c)  It  gives  representation  to  all  classes.  (^)  It  gives 

security  to  the  government.  {/)  It  has  great  educational 

value.  (/)  It  has  given  the  best  results  in  practice. 

II.  Existing  municipal  evils  do  not  justify  a  radical  change 

in  the  suffrage.  {a)  Improvement  is  being  made  on  other 

lines.  {F)  Existing  evils  are  due  chiefly  to  causes  apart 

from  the  suffrage. — (i)  To  the  absence  of  municipal  ideals. — 
(2)  To  the  indifference  of  the  better  classes. — (3)  To  mixing 
national  and  state  with  city  politics. — (4)  To  excessive  inter- 
ference by  legislatures  in  local  affairs. — (5)  To  unsatisfactory 
charter  arrangements. — (6)  To  corrupt  influence  of  property- 
owners,  corporations,  and  rich  men.  {/)  Business-like  ad- 
ministration and  present  broad  suffrage  are  not  necessarily  in- 
consistent.— (i)  Shown  by  reformed  city  governments. — (2) 
Perfection  of  certain  departments,  e.g..  Fire  and  Police  de- 
partments.— (3)  Foreign  experience,         Birmingham :  Fo^ 


THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


13 


rum^  XIV.,  267. — (4)  The  judgment  of  reformers  and  prac- 
tical men.  (^)  Undesirable  voters  can  be  excluded  in  more 

direct  and  practicable  ways. — (i)  The  ignorant,  by  an  educa- 
tional qualification. — (2)  The  corrupt,  by  more  efficient  bri- 
bery laws. — (3)  Criminals,  by  disfranchisement. — (4)  The 
'  floaters,'  by  residence  qualifications. 

III.  A  property  qualification  is  especially  objectionable.  

{a)  Wealth  is  not  a  true  index  to  ability,  public  virtue,  and 

interest  in  municipal  affairs.  {b)  It  would  be  accompanied 

by  serious  evils. — (i)  It  would  be  difficult  to  determine  what 
is  ^reasonable.' — (2)  It  would  be  difficult  to  apply. — (3)  It 
would  work  crudely  and  unequally. — (x)  By  excluding  many 
good  voters. — (y)  By  including  many  bad  voters. — (4)  It 
would  remove  a  strong  educational  force. — (5)  It  would  lead 
to  agitation  and  discontent. 


PARTIES. 
VI. 

THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 

Question  :  '  Resolved,  That  the  Republican  party  is  en- 
titled to  the  suffrages  of  intelligent  citizens. ' 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  references  :  George  S.  Boutwell,  Why  I  am 
a  Republican;  John  D.  Long,  The  Republican  Party ;  J.  H. 
Patton,  The  Democratic  Party  ;  J.  G.  Blaine,  Twenty  Years  of 
Congress ;  Edward  Stanwood,  History  of  Presidential  Elec- 
tions;  Lalor' s  Cyclopcedia^  III.,  597  ;  Forum,  VIL,  488  (July, 
1889)  ;  VIII.,  136  (October,  1889)  ;  IX.,  24  (March,  1890); 
XIV.,  242  (October,  1892)  ;  XV.,  250  (April,  1893)  ;  XVIL, 


14 


POLITICS. 


129  (April,  1894),  268  (May,  1894);  North  American  Re- 
view,  Vol.  146,  p.  I  (January,  1888);  Vol.  149,  p.  616  (No- 
vember, 1889);  Vol.  154,  p.  641  (June,  1892);  Vol.  155, 
p.  268  (September,  1892),  p.  513  (November,  1892);  Vol. 
156,  p.  54  (January,  1893);  Vol.  157,  p.  257  (September, 
1893)- 

I.  The  tariff  policy  of  the  Republican  party  is  commendable. 

 (a)  American  industries  protected.  (<^)  Due  regard 

for  vested  interests.  (^)  Agricultural,  manufacturing,  and 

commercial  industries  stimulated  :  Forum,  III.,  550-552.  

(^)  Social  and  political  advancement.  {e)  Industrial  in- 
dependence. (/)  Higher  wages  for  American  laborers. 

 {g)  Reciprocity. 

II.  The  financial  policy  of  the  Republican  party  is  com- 
mendable. {a)  In  favor  of  sound  money.  {p)  Uncom- 
promisingly opposed  to  the  free  coinage  of  silver.  {/)  Op- 
posed to  the  periodic  issue  of  bonds.  (^)  Advocates  a 

system  of  national  instead  of  state  banks:  Forum,  VII.,  495. 
 {/)  In  favor  of  a  surplus  instead  of  a  deficit  in  the  Treas- 
ury, and  a  gold  reserve  intact. 

III.  The  foreign  policy  of  the  RepubHcan  party  is  com- 
mendable:  North  American  Review,  Vol.  154,  p.  643.  

{a)  Constantly  upholds  a  strong,  dignified,  and  patriotic 
course. — (i)  Conduct  in  fishery  question:  The  Republican 
Party,  pp.  144-165. — (2)  Chilean  affair. — (3)  New  Orleans 

affair.  —  (4)  Hawaiian  controversy.  {U)  In  favor  of  a 

vigorous  application  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine.  {c)  Union 

of  American  interests. — (i)  Pan-American  Congress. 

IV.  The  policy  of  the  Republican  party  regarding  the  civil 

service  is  commendable.  {d)  Civil  service  reform  begun  by 

the  Republican  party  :   The  Republican  Party,  p.  296.  (J?) 

Excellent  make-up  of  the  civil  service  commission.  {c) 

Mail  service  placed  under  civil  service  rules.  (^)  Navy- 
yards.  {e)  Indian  service. 

V.  The  policy  of  the  Republican  party  regarding  other  vital 


THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


questions  is  commendable.  (a)  Free  ballot:  Forum^  III., 

544-548.  {b)  No  soldier  with  an  honorable  discharge  to  go 

to  the  almshouse.  {c)  Strong  coast  defences  :  The  Repub- 
lican Party ,  ^^i^.  182-207.  (^)  Strong  navy  and  merchant 

marine.  {e)  Diminished  internal  revenue  taxes.  (/) 

Exclusion  of  pauper  immigrants.  (^)  State  and  national 

education. 

Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references  :  Democratic  platforms ;  Forum, 
IV.,  117  (October,  1887);  V.,  79  (March,  1888);  VL,  10 
(September,  1888);  VII.,  585  (August,  1889);  IX.,  243 
(May,  1890);  XIV.,  255  (October,  1892);  XV.,  242 
(April,  1893)  ;  North  Ajnerican  Review,  Vol.  145,  p.  267 
(September,  1887);  Vol.  149,  p.  539  (November,  1889); 
Vol.  154,  p.  650  (June,  1892);  Vol.  155,  p.  280  (Septem- 
ber, 1892);  Vol.  159,  p.  385  (October,  1894). 

I.  The  principle  of  protection  upheld  by  the  Republican 

party  is  unsound.  {a)  Legislation  for  the  benefit  of  the 

few.  {p)  Discriminating  against  the  poor.  {c)  Uncon- 
stitutional. (^/)  Sectional.  {/)  Favors  corporations  and 

fosters  trusts.  (/)  Source  of  corruption  :  Forum,  IV.,  125. 

 (^)  The  prosperity  of  the  country  has  been  in  spite  of, 

not  on  account  of,  the  protective  system. — (1)  We  have  great 
natural  resources. 

II.  The  foreign  policy  of  the  Republican  party  is  bad.  

{a)  Blatant  jingoism. — (i)  Samoan  affair :  Nation,  XLVIIL, 

84. — (2)  Fishery   question. — (3)   Hawaiian    affair.  (J?) 

Foreign  complications  turned  to  make  campaign  material.  

{/)  Lowers  us  in  the  opinion  of  other  nations.  (^)  Un- 
dignified. 

III.  The  pension  policy  of  the  Republican  party  is  vicious. 
 {a)  Over  a  hundred  and  a  quarter  millions  of  dollars  ex- 
pended each  year.  {li)  Pensions  given  to  those  who  are 

wholly  undeserving.  (r)  Changed  the  entire  spirit  of  the 


l6  POLITICS. 

country's  volunteer  soldiery. — (i)  Turned  loyal  patriotic  men 

into  mercenary  pension-seekers.  (^)  Turned  the  Grand 

Army  of  the  RepubHc  into  a  political  organization. 

IV.  The  Republican  party  has  lost  the  confidence  of  the 

people  in  other  ways.  (a)  Bad  legislation. — (i)  Force 

bill. — (2)  Wasteful  and  partisan  appropriations.  (d)  Fail- 
ure to  reform  the  civil  service. — (i)  Dismissals  made  for  pohti- 

cal  reasons. — (2)  Assessments  levied  from  employees.  (r) 

Corrupt  methods  used  to  gain  power. — (i)  Admission  of  new 
states.  (^/)  Corrupt  leaders. — (i)  Quay,  Piatt,  and  Dud- 
ley. (<f)  Attempts  to  keep  up  sectional  hatred. 

V.  The  Democratic  party  alone  is  entitled  to  the  suffrages 

of  intelligent  people.  (a)  It  has  made  a  consistent  attempt 

to  carry  out  party  pledges.  (^)  It  stands  for  tariff  reform. 

 (c)  It  has  brought  about  wise  legislation. — (i)  Repeal  of 

election  laws. — (2)  Repeal  of  the  Sherman  Act.  (^/)  It 

stands  solidly  for  reform  of  the  pension  system.  It  has 

practised  economical  administrations.  (/)  It  has  wrought 

the  only  real  victories  for  civil  service  reform.  (g)  It  up- 
holds a  dignified  foreign  policy.  (Ji)  It  is  opposed  to  trusts 

and  monopolies. 

VII. 

THE  POPULIST  PARTY. 

Question  :  ^  Resolved,  That  the  supporters  of  the  Popu- 
hst  party  have  substantial  grievances  which  their  movement  is 
likely  to  relieve.' 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  references:  J.  B.  Weaver,  A  Call  to  Action; 
W.  A.  Peffer,  The  Faimer' s  Side ;  Platform  of  the  People's 
party,  in  leading  daily  papers  of  July  5,  1892  ;  Foru??i,  VIII., 
464  (December,  1889);  Are?ia,  V.,  726  (May,  1892)  ;  VI., 


THE  POPULIST  PARTY. 


17 


201  (July,  1892)  ;  Secretary  Rusk  in  North  American  Review, 
Vol.  152,  p.  423  (April,  1891);  Vol.  153,  p.  220  (August, 
1891)  ;  Vol.  157,  p.  665  (December,  1893)  ;  Vol.  160,  p.  16 
(January,  1895);  Century,  XXL,  447  (January,  1892). 

I.  The  existence  of  substantial   grievances  behind  the 

Populist  movement  is  proved  by  {a)  The  sudden  and 

powerful  uprising  among  the  agricultural  portion  of  the  com- 
munity :  Forum,  X.,  315-316  (November,  1890);  Arena, 

v.,  726.  {U)  Great  strength  developed  by  the  party  in 

recent  elections. 

II.  Chief  among  these  grievances  are  the  following.  {a) 

Wretched  condition  of  agriculture  as  compared  with  other  oc- 
cupations :  The  Farmer' s  Side,  Parts  I.,  II.;  North  American 
Review,  Vol.  152,  p.  425;  Forum,  X.,  346;  Andover  Re- 
view, XIV.,  127  (August,  1890).  (J?)  Existence  and  growth 

of  great  monopoHes.  (<r)  Inadequacy  and  unsuitableness  of 

our  national  currency :  North  American  Review,  Vol.  153, 

p.  222  ;  Vol.  157,  pp.  665-667.  id)  Farmer's  lack  of 

influence  in  politics:  North  American  Review,  Vol.  153,  pp. 
9-10  (July,  1891). 

III.  These  grievances  are  due  to  causes  which  can  be  re- 
moved by  legislation.  {a)  Extortions  of  railroads,  middle- 
men, and  banks:  Forum,  VIII.,  465  ;  North  American  Re- 
view, Vol.  157,  pp.  675-678.  {F)  Exemption  of  the  rich 

from  taxation  on  their  incomes:  Arena,  VI.,  202.  (r) 

Contraction  of  the  currency  :  The  Farmer' s  Side,  Chap.  ix. 

 {d)  Unequal  system  of  tariff  taxation  :  J.  G.  Carlisle  in 

Forum,  VIII.,  475. 

IV.  The  Populist  movement  is  likely  to  result  in  such  legis- 
lation. {a)  It  has  opened  the  eyes  of  the  people  to  the  de- 
plorable condition  of  the  farmers:  Andover  Review,  XIV., 

139.  {p)  Its  strength  must  inevitably  secure  concessions 

from  the  two  great  parties.  {c)  All  the  questions  it  raised 

are  vital  questions  and  demand  speedy  consideration  :  Arena y 
VL,  204. 


2 


i8 


POLITICS. 


Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references  :  Nation,  LI.,  84  (July  31,  1890)  ; 
Platform  of  the  People's  party,  in  leading  daily  papers  of  July 
5,  1892  ;  H.  R.  Chamberlain,  The  Farmer' s  Alliance,  pp. 
13--21,  44--50,  52-64;  Forum,  XIV.,  381  (November,  1892). 

I.  The  Populist  party  seeks  to  increase  rather  than  to  les- 
sen class  distinctions:  Public  Opinion,  IX.,  386  (August  2, 

1890),  408  (August  9,  1890).  {d)  The  extravagances  of 

the  platform  prove  this.  {b)  In  its  eagerness  to  fight  mo- 
nopolists the  Populist  party  has  adopted  ridiculous  and  incon- 
sistent theories:  Public  Opinion,  X.,  609  (April  4,  1890); 
Nation,  L.,  269  (April  3,  1890). 

II.  The  Populist  party  advocates  impossible  socialistic  and 

financial  schemes.  {a)  Socialistic. — (i)  Sub-treasury  and 

government  control  of  railways  :  Public  Opinion,  VIII.,  532  ; 
IX.,  167,  168,  241,  408,  475  ;  X.,  172,  219,  220,  565,  611, 

613.  (J))  Financial. — (i)  Free  silver  and  the  abolition  of 

national  banks  :  Nation,  LIL,  104,  229,  230;  Public  Opin- 
ion, X.,  171,  217,  218. 

III.  The  Populist  movement  thus  far  has  been  only  in- 
jurious to  the  public  welfare.  {a)  Valuable  statesmen  have 

been  driven  out  of  public  life.  (J?)  Legislation  in  the  states 

controlled  by  Populists  has  been  of  the  worst  kind :  Nation, 
L.,  480;  LL,  390;  LII.,  188,  310. 

IV.  The  issues  raised  by  the  Populist  party  are  not  national 
and  therefore  cannot  prevail:  Forum,  XVI.,  240  (October, 

1893).  {a)  The  history  of  the  Know-Nothing,  Greenback, 

and  Prohibition  parties  shows  this. 


THE  AMERICAN  PROTECTIVE  ASSOCIATION. 


19 


VIII. 

THE  AMERICAN  PROTECTIVE  ASSOCIATION. 

Question  :  ^  Resolved,  That  the  principles  of  the  Ameri- 
can Protective  Association  deserve  the  support  of  American 
citizens.' 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  references  :  Principles  in  Harper' s  Weekly, 
XXXVIII.,  1017-1018  (October  27,  1894),  and  in  The 
World  Almanac,  iSpSy  V-  ^^S  ?  Gladstone,  Vatican 

Decrees  and  Civil  Allegiance ;  E.  D.  Mead,  The  Roman 
Catholic  Church  and  the  Public  Schools ;  Bishop  Coxe,  The 
Jesuit  Party  in  American  Politics  ;  North  Aifierican  Review, 
Vol.  159,  p.  67  (July,  1894)  ;  Vol.  158,  p.  573  (May,  1894)  ; 
Forum,  XVII.,  427-434  (June,  1894)  ;  Christian  Examiner, 
LXXVIIL,  399  (May,  1865);  Fortnightly  Review,  XXV., 
385  (March,  1876);  Forum,  XVII.,  196  (iVpril,  1894); 
Public  Opinion,  XVII.,  590  (September  20,  1894). 

I.  The  principles  of  the  American  Protective  Association 

are  in  accordance  with  our  Constitution.  (a)  They  do  not 

violate  the  clause,  ^  no  religious  test  shall  be  required,'  Art. 
VI.,  §  3:  Charles  Eaton,  A  Religious  Test. — (i)  'Re- 
quired '  relates  to  Congress  itself  and  not  to  the  people. — 
(2)  New  Hampshire,  Texas,  South  Carolina,  Tennessee  have 
religious  qualifications  for  state  officers  :  Charles  Eaton,  A 
Religious  Test, 

II.  The  American  Protective  Association  tends  to  strengthen 

American  institutions.  {a)  Respect  for  the  Constitution. 

 (J))  Patriotism  and  Americanism. 

III.  The  American  Protective  Association  aims  at  reforms 

impossible  by  present  parties.  {a)  No  state  aid  to  sectarian 

institutions.  {U)  Restriction  of  immigration.  {S)  Uni- 


20 


POLITICS. 


form  naturalization  laws.  (d)  Extension  of  term  of  proba- 
tion. 

IV.  The  American  Protective  Association  opposes  the  un- 
seen yet  dangerous  power  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church.  

(a)  Enormous  influence. — (i)  In  numbers. — (2)  In  centraliza- 
tion.— (3)  In  discipline. — (4)  Through  ignorance  of  adher- 
ents. (p)  Constantly  increasing. — (i)  Growth  by  immigra- 
tion.— (2)  Strengthening  of  discipline. — (x)  Case  of  McGlynn. 

 (c)  Hostile  to  American  institutions.— (i)  Makes  the 

Roman  Catholics  a  separate  class. — (2)  Opposes  public 
schools  :  E.  D.  Mead,  The  Roman  Catholic  Church  and  the 
Public  Schools ;  North  American  Review^  Vol.  140,  p.  521 
(June,  1885). — (3)  Controlled  by  a  foreign  ^potentate' 
claiming  supremacy  over  our  civil  government :  Bishop  Vin- 
cent in  Forum,  XV.,  263;  Encyclical  Letter  of  Pope  Leo 
XIII.  in  American  Catholic  Quarterly  Review,  XIX.,  777-789 
(October,  1894). — (4)  Directly  opposed  to  the  advance  of 
civilization. — (x)  The  United  States  the  Pope's  ^one  bright 
hope  for  the  future.' 

Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references:  Forum,  XVII.,  513  (July,  1894), 
524  (July,  1894),  434  (June,  1894),  196  (April,  1894)  ; 
North  American  Review,  Vol.  159,  p.  278  (September,  1894)  ; 
Vol.  158,  p.  563  (May,  1894)  ;  Century,  XLVIL,  789  (March, 
1894);  XLVIIL,  954  (October,  1894);  Catholic  World, 
XXXI.,  94  (April,  1880);  XLIX.,  649  (August,  1889); 
American  Catholic  Quarterly  Review,  XV.,  509  (July,  1890); 
Nation,  LIV.,  374  (May  19,  1892). 

I.  The  principles  of  the  American  Protective  Association 

are  found  {a)  In  their  professions  :  The  Citizen  (Boston), 

November    17,   1894.  {U)  In   their   actions:  Century, 

XLVIL,  789. 

II.  Taxation  of  religious,  educational,  and  charitable  insti- 


THE  AMERICAN  PROTECTIVE  ASSOCIATION.  21 


tutions  is  inadvisable  :  The  Citizen,  November  17,  1894  ;  Re- 
port of  Massachusetts  Commission  on  Taxation  and  Exemption, 
January,  1875,  House,  No.  15,  pp.  150-170,  and  C.  W. 

Eliot  in  Appendix,  pp.  367-394.  {a)  These  institutions 

perform  necessary  public  functions.  {U)  When  supported 

by  private  benevolence  their  expense  is  a  saving  to  the  state. 

 Exemption  a  better  method  of  encouraging  private 

benevolence  than  direct  grants. 

III.  Exclusion  of  Roman  Catholics  from  public  office  and 

positions  in  schools  would  be  an  uncalled-for  injustice.  (cC) 

Membership  in  Catholic  Church  not  irreconcilable  with 
American  citizenship. — — {b)  Alleged  machinations  of  Pope — 
even  if  true — would  be  ineffective. — (i)  Decline  of  Papal 
power. — (2)  Weakness  of  Catholic  Church  in  United  States. 
— (3)  Publicity  of  action  in  United  States :  C.  W.  EHot  in 

Forum,  XVIII. ,  138  (October,  1894).  {c)  Estabhshment 

of  a  religious  test  would  be  unconstitutional :  Constitution  of 
United  States,  Art.  VI.,  §  3  ;  Amendments  of  the  Constitution, 

Art.  I.  {jl)  A  religious  test  for  office-holders  would  be 

detrimental  to  good  government. 

IV.  Secret  political  organizations  are  un-American  :  Cen- 
tury, XLVIIL,  954.  {a)  Require  votes  to  be  cast  as  or- 
dered, even  contrary  to  convictions.  Unsuitable  for 

public  officers  whose  duties  may  conflict  with  pledge.  {c) 

Cloak  for  underhanded  work.  (^)  Temporary. — (i)  His- 
tory of  Know-Nothing  Party :  Edward  Stanwood,  History  of 
Presidential  Elections,  p.  93.  (<?)  Dangerous. — (i)  Mor- 
gan episode  in  1826. 

V.  The  proposed  boycotts  are  un-American.  {a)  Against 

endorsers  of  Catholics. — (i)  Result  in  keeping  out  compe- 
tent officials:  Century,  XLVIL,  789.  (J?)  Against  employ- 
ment of  Catholics. — (i)  Socially. — (2)  Economically. — (x) 
Delay  industry. — (y)  Exclude  skilled  workmen. 

VI.  The  principles  of  the  American  Protective  Association 
countenance  bad  methods.  {a)  Lies,  forgeries,  and  misrep- 
resentations. (J?)  Adoption  of  methods  they  condemn  in 


22 


POLITICS. 


Catholics.  (c)  Adoption  of  other  illegal   means. — (i) 

Against  the  United  States   and  state  constitutions.  (^) 

Retaliation. — (i)  Against  officials  refusing  to  join. — (2) 
Against  officers  performing  their  duty  notwithstanding  Ameri- 
can Protective  Association  oath. 


IX. 

PARTY  ALLEGIANCE. 

Question  :  '  Resolved,  That  party  allegiance  is  preferable 
to  independent  action  in  politics.  * 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  references  :  J.  Macy,  Our  Government,  Chap, 
xxxiv.;  H.  C.  Lodge,  '  Party  Allegiance/  in  Historical  and 
Political  Essays ;  Washington  Gladden  in  Century,  VI.,  270 
(June,  1884);  Roscoe  ConkHng,  Life  and  Letters,^.  538; 
Spectator,  LVIIL,  p.  1367  (October  17,  1885). 

I.  Parties  are  inevitable  under  a  republican  form  of  gov- 
ernment :  Our  Government,  Chap,  xxxiv.  {a)  The  people 

naturally  divide  into  a  liberal  and  a  conservative  party  :  His- 
torical and  Political  Essays,  p.  202.  {b)  Two  great  par- 
ties are  bound  to  exist,  one  sufficiently  strong  to  hold  the  other 
in  check. 

II.  Parties  and  party  allegiance  are  highly  desirable.  

{a)  They  unite  people  of  different  parts  of  the  country  in  one 

common  party.  {U)  They  encourage  political  activity.  

(<:)  They  keep  important  issues  constantly  before  the  public. 

 (</)  They  make  possible  a  clear  insight  into  all  political 

affairs.  {e)  They  insure  regular  and  orderly  movement. 

 (/)  They  insure  stability  in  legislation,  and  in  its  execu- 


PARTY  ALLEGIANCE. 


23 


tion.  (g)  They  enable  the  people  to  fix  the  responsibility 

for  bad  legislation. 

III.  Independent  voting  is  harmful :  Historical  and  Politi- 
cal Essays,  pp.  203,  204.  {a)  It  draws  from  the  great  po- 
litical parties  a  highly  desirable  element  that  can  accomplish 

no  good  by  itself.  {!?)  It  obscures  legitimate  party  issues  by 

making  an  issue  of  political  purity,  which  is  not  essential  to 

party  policy.  {c)  It  makes  prominent  the  local  issues  of 

the  country,  e.g.,  sugar,  silver,  farming.  (^)  It  results 

in  inefficient  and  irresponsible  representation,  and  gives  rise 
to  combinations  and  corruption  in  legislative  assembhes. 

IV.  The  best  means  to  reform  present  abuses  is  by  reform- 
ing the  party.  {a)  Independent  voting  is  inefficient  if  cast 

by  itself.  {U)  It  encourages  one  of  the  great  political  par- 
ties if  cast  with  one  of  them,  {c)  Much  has  been  accom- 
plished by  the  reform  of  the  civil  service  and  by  ballot  reforms. 

Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references  :  J.  R.  Lowell,  *  The  Independent 
in  Politics,'  in  Political  Essays  ;  North  American  Review,  Vol. 
144,  p.  549  (June,  1887);  Vol.  134,  p.  431  (May,  1882); 
International  Review,  XIII.,  587  (December,  1882)  ;  James 
Bryce,  The  American  Commonwealth,  II.,  Chaps.  Ixiii.,  Ixv., 
Ixvii.;  Spectator,  XLIX.,  p.  1027  (July  31,  1886);  Nation, 
XLVIL,  4  (July  5,  1888)  ;  XX.,  308  (May  6,  1875). 

I.  Political  parties  are  not  absolutely  necessary  :  A.  Stick- 
ney,  A   True  Republic,   Chap.  v.  ;    International  Review, 

XIII.,  588.  {a)  There  are  no  vital  differences  between 

the  parties  :  The  American  Commonwealth,  11. ,  15,  21.  

(J?)  The  eras  of  good  feeling  in  American  history  have  been 
those  periods  which  were  free  from  machine  party  politics. 

 {c)  The  provision  made  for  the  veto  in  the  Constitution 

does  away  with  the  necessity  for  party  allegiance. — (i)  The 
President  and  cabinet  are  not  removable  for  failure  of  policy. 

II.  The  present  system  is  bad.  {a)  It  results  in  govern- 


24  ^ 


POLITICS. 


ment  for  the  machine,  instead  of  for  the  people  ;  Goldwin  Smith 
\n  North  American  Review,  Vol.  154,  p.  583  (May,  1892); 
The  American  Commonwealth,  II.,  100,  107,  123.  (Ji)  Of- 
fices are  sought  merely  for  remuneration,  resulting  in  the  spoils 
system:  The  A^nerican  Commonwealth,  11. ,  58,59,  1 32-14 1  ; 
Inte7^national  Review,  XIII.,  587. — (i)  Shown  by  rotation  in 
office. — (2)  Geographical  appointments. — (3)  The  appoint- 
ment of  corrupt  or  unfit  officials  :  T.  Roosevelt,  Essays  on 

Practical  Politics,  pp.  11-41.  {c)  It  gives  undue  influence 

to  certain  sections.  (^)  Strict  party  government  results  in 

rule  by  but  little  more  than  one-quarter  of  the  voters. 

III.  Reform  within  the  parties  is  impossible :  The  Ameri- 
can Commonwealth,  II.,  87,  113.  {a)  The  better  class  of 

citizens  w^ill  not  take  an  active  part  in  party  organization. 
 (J?)  The  machine  controls  the  primaries. — (i)  By  fraudu- 
lent check-lists. — (2)  By  force. 

IV.  Independent  action  has  accomplished  reform  where 

party  fealty  has  failed.  {a)  It  gives  the  independent  voters 

the  balance  of  power.  It  compels  better  nominations 

in  the  great  political  parties  and  thus  helps  to  purify  politics. 
— (i)  Cases  of  Delamater  in  Pennsylvania,  and  Maynard  in 
New  York:  Nation,  XLIV.,  264  (March  31,  1887),  381 

(May  5,  1887).  {c)  It  has  succeeded  in  carrying  out  the 

pension  and  the  civil  service  reforms. 


X. 

PARTY  ALLEGIANCE  IN  MUNICIPAL  ELECTIONS. 

Question  :  '  Resolved,  That  it  is  for  the  interests  of  good 
government  that  the  citizen  acts  with  his  party  in  municipal 
elections.' 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  references  :  James  Bryce,  The  American  Com- 
monwealth, II.,  Chaps.  Ixii.-lxviii.;  John  Fiske,  Civil  Gov- 


PARTY  ALLEGIANCE  IN  MUNICIPAL  ELECTIONS.  2$ 


ernment,  pp.  124,  139;  Theodore  Roosevelt,  Essays  on 
Practical  Politics,  pp.  72,  73;  H.  H.  Darling  in  Harvard 
Monthly,  VIII.,  32-34  (March,  1889);  S.  N.  Patten  in 
Annals  of  American  Academy  of  Political  Science,  I.,  26 
(July,  1890)  ;  J.  Macy,  Our  Government,  Chap.  xxxi. 

I.  Non-observance  of  party  ties  in  municipal  elections  would 

be  contrary  to  good  public  policy.  {a)  Political  parties 

are  essential  to  our  form  of  government  :  J.  Macy,  Our 
Government,  Chap,  xxxiv. — (i)  They  foster  political  activ- 
ity.— (2)  They  insure  publicity  of  government  methods. — 

(3)  They  are  educators  of  the  people.  {U)  Non-observance 

of  party  ties  would  weaken  political  parties. — (i)  It  would 
increase  the  expense  of  party  management  by  separating  mu- 
nicipal from  national  organizations. — (2)  Local  politics  are 
a  desirable  training  for  national  political  management. — 
(3)  There  would  be  no  substantial  basis  for  encouraging  a 
strong  national  organization  with  a  fixed  policy. 

II.  Party  adhesion  is  necessary  for  the  welfare  of  city  gov- 
ernment. {a)  It  is  favorable  to  a  sense  of  responsibility. — 

(i)  Officers  are  more  likely  to  work  in  harmony;  and  thus 
deadlocks  are  avoided. — (2)  Responsibility  is  thrown  on  the 
party  as  well  as  on  the  leaders. — (3)  The  minority  party  is 
quick  to  criticise. — (4)  Abuses  are  more  often  due  to  divis- 
ion of  responsibihty  than  to  party  protection :   Seth  Low, 

Municipal  Government,  pp.  15-19.  {p)   Non -allegiance 

to  party  would  tend  to  increase  the  present  abuses. — (i) 
Factional  strife  would  be  more  intense. — (2)  The  numer- 
ous factions  would  encourage  corruption  and  deals. — (3)  Brib- 
ery would  be  more  frequent. — (4)  Conscientious  men  would 
not  have  as  much  influence  as  when  backed  by  a  strong 
party. 

III.  Consistent  policy  and  permanent  reform  are  the  result 
of  party  rather  than  of  independent  action.  {a)  Individ- 
ual action  is  spasmodic  and  not  sustained  :  Essays  on  Practical 
Politics,  pp.  72,  73.  (J?)  It  is  seldom  thorough.  {/) 


26 


POLITICS. 


Whoever  bolts  his  party  loses  influence  in  it  without  gaining 
influence  in  another. 

Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references  :  James  Bryce,  The  American  Com- 
monwealth,  Chaps,  l.-lxviii.;  John  Fiske,  Civil  Government, 
pp.  120-136;  Lalor's  Cyclopcedia,  1.,  463-467;  Nation, 
LL,  337  (October  30,  1890);  W.  C.  Ford,  American  Citi- 
zen's Manual,  Part  I.,  66-83  \  Political  Science  Quarterly,  XL, 
291  (June,  1887). 

I.  Local  government  ought  to  engage  the  first  interest  of 

citizens.  {a)  Municipal  affairs  more  directly  affect  the 

individual. — (i)  Protection  of  citizens  from  fire,  riots,  un- 
sanitary conditions,  etc. — (2)  Carrying  on  public  works: 
street  paving,  water-works,  etc. — (3)  Improvement  of  citizens 

through  schools,  libraries,  museums,  parks,  etc.  (J?)  Local 

taxes  are  far  greater  than  state  and  national.  {c)  Individ- 
ual influence  can  be  used  most  effectively  for  good. 

II.  Party  allegiance  subordinates  municipal  affairs  to  na- 
tional issues  and  defeats  the  purpose  of  municipal  government : 

The  American  Commonwealth,  I.,  639.  {a)  A  city  is  a 

business  corporation  and  should  be  entirely  outside  of  politics : 

American  Citizen' s  Manual,  Parti.,  73-83.  {U)  Parties  are 

concerned  with  national  issues  and  are  unfitted  for  city  gov- 
ernment. 

III.  Party  allegiance  encourages  the  evils  of  machine  rule. 

 (^)  Professional  politicians  are  enabled  to  organize  rings 

and  deals.  {b)  Municipal  offices  are  treated  as  spoils.  

(<r)  Inferior  men  are  elected  to  fill  places  requiring  technical 

skill.  {d~)  The  state  legislature  is  likely  to  be  drawn  into 

meddling  with  city  affairs:  Encyclopaedia  Britannica,  XVII., 
463;  Lalor's  Cyclopcedia,  L,  464;  The  A^nerican  Common- 
wealth, I.,  660.  {e)  Party  rule  in  New  York  and  in  nearly 

all  great  cities  has  resulted  in  corruption  and  reckless  waste 


THE  CAUCUS  SYSTEM. 


27 


of  municipal  resources:  The  American  Commonwealth^  II., 
Chaps.  Ixxxviii.,  Ixxxix. 

IV.  The  best  governed  cities  are  those  conducted  on  a  non- 
partisan plan.  {a)  Berhn :  Professor  Gneist  in  Conte?7ipo- 

rary  Review^  XLVI.,  769  (December,  1884).  (J?)  Glas- 
gow: Century^  XXXIX.,  721  (March,  1890). 


POLITICAL  METHODS. 
XI. 

THE  CAUCUS  SYSTEM.  * 

Question  :  ^  Resolved,  That  the  present  system  of  caucus 
nomination  ought  to  be  abandoned.' 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  references  :  Nineteenth  Century,  IV.,  695  (Oc- 
tober, 1878)  ;  New  Englander,  XXXIV.,  473  (July,  1875), 
734  (October,  1875);  Forum,  XIV.,  189  (October,  1892); 
Political  Science  Quarterly,  III.,  99  (March,  1888);  Chris- 
tian Examiner,  LXXXVIL,  137  (September,  1869)  ;  North 
American  Review,  Vol.  137,  p.  257  (September,  1883)  ; 
Penn  Monthly,  XII.,  177  (March,  188 1);  Atlantic  Monthly, 
LIT,  323  (September,  1883)  ;  James  Bryce,  The  American 
Commonwealth,  Chaps.  Ivii.— Ixxiv.  ;  F.  W.  Whitridge  in 
Lalor's  Cyclopcedia,  I.,  360-364;  III.,  851-856;  Theodore 
Roosevelt,  Essays  on  Practical  Politics,  p.  46  ;  A.  Stickney, 
A  True  Republic,  Chap.  v. 

I.  The  caucus  system  has  outlived  its  usefulness.  {a)  It 

was  first  used  in  the  small  towns  where  mass  meetings  could  be 
held.  (Jf)  The  only  similar  conditions  to-day  are  found  in 


28 


POLITICS. 


the  country.  (c)  The  rapid  growth  of  cities  has  aUered  the 

very  foundations  of  pohtical  methods. 

II.  The  system  is  opposed  to  democratic  principles.  (a) 

It  prevents  free  thought  and  action. — (i)  Those  alone  are 
allowed  to  take  part  in  caucus  meetings  who  pledge  strict  al- 
legiance to  the  party.  {^)  It  defeats  the  will  of  the  people. 

— (i)  It  restricts  the  choice  of  the  people  to  two  or  three 
candidates. — (2)  Candidates  are  often  nominated  in  spite 

of  public  opposition.  (c)  It  centralizes  power  in  the  hands 

of  a  few. 

III.  The  caucus  system  gives  rise  to  the  evils  of  political 

machines.  (a)  A  few  political  bosses  are  able  to  control 

the  caucuses. — (i)  By  calling  the  meetings  on  short  notice, 
at  inconvenient  places,  and  at  inconvenient  hours. — (2)  By 
keeping  transactions  secret. — (3)  By  forcibly  keeping  away 
those  opposed  to  their  wishes,  and  by  packing  the  meetings 
with  their  friends.  (^)  The  better  class  of  men  cannot  com- 
pete with  political  bosses  who  give  all  their  time  to  political 
ward  heeling. 

IV.  The  party  machine  is  fatal  to  good  government.  

(a)  It  drives  good  men  out  of  politics.  It  puts  the 

government  in  the  hands  of  irresponsible  parties.  (^)  It 

corrupts  the  public  service. — (i)  Offices   are  regarded  as 

spoils.  (d)  It  prevents  independent  action  for  the  public 

welfare  by  binding  officials  to  party  interests. 

V.  The  caucus  system  is  unnecessary.  (a)  Party  govern- 
ment has  existed  without  it.  (d)  Better  systems  can  be 

found:  New  Englander,  XXXIV.,  738-751;  Penn  Monthly ^ 
XII.,  190;  Forum,  XIV.,  192. — (i)  Nomination  of  can- 
didates by  citizens  at  time  of  registration. — (2)  Voting  for 
delegates  at  general  elections. 

Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references  :  W.  C.  Ford,  American  Citizen^ s 
Manual,  Part  I.,  pp.  91-97  ;   Political  Science  Quarterly^ 


THE  CAUCUS  SYSTEM. 


29 


III.,  106  (March,  1888);  Nation,  VIII.,  86  (February  4, 
1869);  Theodore  Roosevelt,  Essays  on  Practical  Politics; 
Fortnightly  Review,  XXX.,  721  (November,  1878). 

I.  The  caucus  is  a  very  old  American  institution  :  W.  Gor- 
don, History  of  Americaii  Revolution,  I.,  365.  {a)  It  first 

appeared  in  New  England  because  of  the  wide  extension  of  the 

suffrage.  {b)  It  has  spread  with  the  extension  of  the  suffrage. 

 {c)  Practically  the  only  change  has  been  the  choice  of 

delegates  to  conventions.  {d)  This  was  a  natural  and  neces- 
sary development:  American  Citizen's  Manual,  p.  93. 

II.  The  caucus  is  the  simplest  and  most  practical  method 
of  nomination  yet  devised.  {a)  It  is  simply  a  town  meet- 
ing of  the  party  voters.  {J?)  The  substitutes  thus  far  sug- 
gested are  impracticable. — (i)  The  system  of  self-nomina- 
tions would  not  be  tolerated. — (2)  The  system  of  primary 
elections  involves  a  needless  complication. 

III.  The  evils  complained  of  at  present  are  not  due  to  our 

present  caucus  system.  {a)  These  evils  are  nothing  new. 

 {p)  The  liability  of  their  occurrence  is  inherent  in  human 

nature  and  in  popular  government :  Essays  on  Practical  Poli- 
tics, pp.  16-20.  {c)  No  system  of  nomination  can  make 

citizens  do  their  duty. 

IV.  The  true  remedy  for  the  existing  evil  of  bad  nomina- 
tions is  not  an  abandonment  of  the  caucus  system  but  in  re- 
form :  Nation,  VIII.,  87.  (a)  Civil  service  reform. — (i) 

The  overthrow  of  the  spoils  system  will  remove  the  chief  in- 
centive to  machine  management  of  caucuses :  R.  H.  Dana  in 

Forum,  II.,  496  (January,   1887).  {J?)  Introduction  of 

state  regulation  of  caucuses:  Peiin  Monthly,  XII.,  183-185 
(March,  1881)  ;  Massachusetts  Acts,  1888,  Chap.  441  ;  i88q, 
Chap.  413,  Sec.  3  ;  i8g2,  Chap.  416  ;  Lalor' s  Cyclopcedia,  I., 
363,  364.  {c)  Education  of  the  voter. 


30 


POLITICS. 


XXL 

T 

THE  CHOICE  OF  PRESIDENTIAL  ELECTORS. 

Question  :  '  Resolved,  That  presidential  electors  should  be 
chosen  by  districts  instead  of  on  a  general  ticket.' 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  references:  International  Review,  V.,  198 
(March,  1878);  C.  A.  O'Neil,  The  American  Electoral  Sys- 
tem, Chaps,  viii.,  ix.,  xix.,  i.,  ii.;  D.  A.  McKnight,  The  Elec- 
toral System  of  the  United  States  ;  Edward  Stan  wood,  History 
of  Presidential  Elections,  Chap.  i.  ;  A.  B.  Hart,  Practical 
Essays  on  American  Government,  pp.  67-71;  Lalor' s  Cyclo- 
pcedia,  II.,  66-67  ;  Thos.  H.  Benton,  Thirty  Years'  View, 
II.,  628  ;  James  Bryce,  The  American  Commonwealth,  I.,  40- 
45  ;  Eorum,  XII.,  702  (February,  1892);  Atlantic  Monthly, 
XLIL,  543  (November,  1878);  Nation,  LIL,  421-422  (May 
21,  1891). 

I.  *  At  the  present  day  the  American  people  are  confronted 
with  the  fact  that  the  weakest  point  in  their  whole  plan  of 
government  is  the  mode  of  choosing  a  President.* 

II.  The  present  system  is  contrary  to  the  principles  of 

American  institutions.  {a)  It  defeats  the  purpose  of  the 

framers  of  the  Constitution. — (i)  The  electoral  college  is  not 
a  deUberative  body. — (2)  The  electors  do  not  exercise  an  in- 
dependent choice,  but  simply  register  the  votes  of  the  people 

for  two  or  three  candidates.  {U)  It  gives  a  preponderating 

influence  to  the  large  states. — (i)  The  vote  of  New  York  is 

essential  to  the  election  of  any  candidate.  {f)  It  does  not 

represent  the  will  of  tlie  majority. — (i)  The  electoral  vote 
has  varied  as  much  as  forty  per  cent,  from  the  popular  vote. 


THE  CHOICE  OF  PRESIDENTIAL  ELECTORS.       3  I 


— (2)  In  case  the  election  is  thrown  into  the  House  a  few  un- 
important states  are  able  to  decide  the  result. 

in.   The  general  ticket  system  gives  rise  to  great  evils. 

 (a)  It  lessens  political  interest  in  ^  sure  '  states. — (i) 

Pennsylvania. — (2)  The  solid  South.  (^)  The  importance 

of  carrying  the  larger  doubtful  states  gives  rise  to  much  fraud 
and  corruption. — (i)  Indiana  in  1888. 

IV.  The  district  system  is  practicable.  (a)  It  is  con- 
stitutional.— (i)  By  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  :  Mc- 

Pherson  v.  Blacker,  146  C/.  S,,  i.  (d)  It  was  advocated  by 

the  ablest  men  in  the  Constitutional  Convention.  (c)  It 

has  been  in  use  at  various  times  in  various  states. 

V.  The  district  system  is  desirable.  (a)  It  would  de- 
crease sectional  feeling. — (i)  There  could  be  no  solid  South. 

 (^)  Local  corruption  and  local  issues  could  influence  only 

one  section  and  not  the  whole  state.  (c)  It  would  increase 

political  activity  by  encouraging  parties  to  exert  their  whole 

strength.  (d)  It  would  decrease  the  bitterness  of  disputed 

elections  by  involving  but  one  vote  instead  of  the  vote  of  a 

whole  state.  (^)  It  would  do  away  with  gigantic  bribery 

and  corruption  by  withdrawing  the  necessity  for  carrying  a 

whole  state.  (/)  It  would  encourage  independent  action, 

and  thus  by  strengthening  third  parties  would  approach  nearer 

the  intention  of  the  framers  of  the  Constitution.  (g)  It 

would  represent  very  nearly  the  wishes  of  the  majority  of  the 
people. 

Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references  :  International  Review^  V.,  201-207 
(March,  1878)  ;  Century,  VII.,  124  (November,  1884)  ;  North 
American  Review,  Vol.  140,  pp.  124-128  (February,  1885); 
J.  Story,  Commentaries  on  the  Co?istitiition,  §§  145 3-1 460  ; 
American  Law  Review,  XII.,  i  (October,  1877). 

I.  There  are  no  serious  objections  to  the  present  system, 
•(a)  It  is  consistent  with  the  purpose  of  the  framers  of 


3^ 


POLITICS. 


the  Constitution  to  avoid  too  great  centralization  :  Century, 
VII.,  124-127. — (i)  They  wished  to  guard  against  popular 
elections. — (2)  The  President  was  to  be  elected  by  delegates 
chosen  by  states. — (3)  A  majority  vote  of  the  people  was  not 

considered  essential.  {J?)  Such  fraud  and  corruption  as  exist 

are  due  to  the  spoils  system  and  are  not  inherent  in  general 
elections. — (i)  The  evils  can  be  remedied  by  civil  service  re- 
form :  International  Review,  V.,  205-206. 

II.  The  district  system  is  open  to  grave  objections.  {a) 

By  encouraging  third  parties  it  would  make  a  majority  vote 
difficult  and  the  election  would  be  thrown  into  the  House  of 

Representatives:  Century,  ^\\.,  132.  (^)  It  would  result 

in  the  uncertainties  of  popular  government  by  making  the 

President  and  the  House  always  of  the  same  party.  {c) 

The  vote  of  a  state  might  be  lost  by  being  neutralized.  

{d)  It  would  result  in  a  greater  number  of  contested  elections. 

 {e)  It  would  encourage  fraud  and  corruption. — (i)  By 

gerrymandering. — (2)  Local  corruption  could  carry  one  dis- 
trict while  under  the  present  system  it  cannot  influence  the 

vote  of  the  whole  state.  (/)  The  district  system  has  been  in 

use,  but  has  gradually  been  abandoned  for  the  present  system. 


XIII. 

POPULAR  ELECTION  OF  SENATORS. 

Question  :  'Resolved,  That  a  constitutional  amendment 
should  be  secured  by  which  senators  shall  be  elected  by  direct 
vote  of  the  people. ' 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  references  :  JoJms  Hopkins  University  Studies, 
XL,  547;  Atlantic  Monthly,  LXVIIL,  227  (August,  1891)  ; 
Arena,  X.,  453  (September,  1894)  ;  Nation,  LIV.,  44  (Janu- 


POPULAR  ELECTION  OF  SENATORS. 


33 


ary  21,  1892);  Congressional  Reco7'd,  1891-1892,  pp.  76-80 
(December  17,  1891)  ;  1891-1892,  pp.  1267-1271  (Febru- 
ary 18,  1892),  6060-6681  (July  12,  1892);  Picblic  Opinion, 
XII.,  500  (February  20,  1892),  524  (February  27,  1892)  ; 
XIV.,  391  (January  28,  1893);  XV.,  46  (April  15,  1893); 
House  Reports,  1891-1892,  No.  368. 

I.  The  reasons  for  electing  senators  by  legislatures  no  longer 

exist.  {a)  The  distrust  of  popular  elections  has  been  shown 

to  be  unwarranted.  (J?)  There  is  no  longer  a  distrust  of  the 

central  government.  {c)  The  general  movement  toward 

political  liberty  has  produced  changed  conditions. 

II.  The  people  wish  the  reform:  Public  Opinion,  XIV., 

392.  {a)  A  resolution  in  favor  of  the  proposed  change  has 

been  twice  passed  by  the  House.  {U)  The  legislatures  of 

thirteen  states  have  declared  for  it:  Arena,  X.,  457.  {/) 

The  people  are  opposed  to  indirect  elections  on  principle. — 

(i)  Shown  by  our  experience  with  presidential  electors.  

id)  The  present  workings  are  not  in  accord  with  the  intentions 
of  the  framers.  {e)  The  wishes  of  the  people  are  ignored. 

III.  Popular  election  would  improve  the  character  of  the 

Senate.  {a)  It  would  remove  the  present  abuses. — (i) 

Senators  would  no  longer  be  dependent  on  political  machines. 
— (2)  The  Senate  would  cease  to  be  the  field  for  party  manipu- 
lation :  Nation,  LIV.,  45. — (3)  States  would  be  able  tore- 
ward  distinguished  men. — (4)  The  distrust  of  the  Senate 
would  be  removed. — (5)  Able  senators  would  not  be  com- 
pelled to  resort  'to  jobbery  to  secure  re-election. — (6)  Bribery 
would  be  much  more  difficult. — (x)  The  small  number  of 
legislators  is  conducive  to  bribery. — (7)  Senators  are  now 
chosen  by  a  majority  of  the  caucus  which  represents  but  a 

small  part  of  the  total  voters.  {p)  It  would  bring  to  the 

Senate  all  the  able  men  now  there. — (i)  Most  of  the  best  men 
in  the  Senate  have  served  in  offices  to  which  they  were  elected 
by  popular  vote.  {c)  The  conservative  character  of  the  Sen- 
ate would  not  be  lost. — (i)  This  is  due  to  the  long  tenure  of 

3 


34 


POLITICS. 


office  and  small  number  of  senators  :  James  Bryce,  The  Ameri- 
can Commo7twealth,  I.,  112. 

IV.  Popular  election  would  improve  the  character  of  state 

and  local  governments:  Nation,  LIV.,  45.  {a)  Local 

elections  are  influenced  by  national  issues. — (i)  Both  the  can- 
didates and  the  people  are  diverted  from  vital  state  issues. 
— (2)  A  man  may  be  opposed  to  the  candidate  for  the  legisla- 
ture and  yet  be  compelled  to  vote  for  him  on  account  of  his 

vote  for  senator.  (^)  Inferior  legislators  are  chosen.  

(c)  Counties  which  the  dominant  party  does  not  control  are 
disfranchised.  (d)  States  are  often  represented  in  the  Sen- 
ate by  men  who  do  not  stand  for  the  abiding  convictions  of  a 
majority  of  the  people. — (i)  The  minority  may  get  control  of 
the  legislature. — (2)  The  minority  on  national  issues  may  be 
the  majority  on  state  issues. 

Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references  :  James  Bryce,  The  American  Com- 
monwealth, L,  Chap.  xii.  ;  Senator  Hoar  in  Forum,  XVIII. , 
270  (November,  1894)  ;  Congressional  Record,  1891-1892, 
pp.  3191-3204  (April  12,  1892);  1893,  pp.  loi-iio  (April 
7,  1893);  Elliot's  Debates,  V.,  166-170;  J.  Story,  Com- 
mentaries on  the  Constitution,  §§  703-705  ;  The  Federalist, 
No.  Ixii.  ;  Public  Opinion,  XII.,  524  (February  27,  1892); 
XV.,  46  (April  15,  1893). 

I.  The  present  system  of  electing  senators  is  wisely  con- 
ceived. {a)  The  best  legislatures  consist  of  two  houses 

chosen  in  a  different  manner. — (i)  Both  the  radical  and  the 
conservative  tendencies  of  a  nation  are  most  thoroughly  repre- 
sented thus. — (2)  Unless  the  two  bodies  are  chosen  in  a  dif- 
ferent way  the  upper  house  will  not  have  independent  force. 

 {U)  The  present  system  gives  national  representation  to 

the  state  governments  as  such. — (i)  The  legislature  is  the 
most  fit  representative  of  the  state.  {/)  The  present  sys- 


POPULAR  ELECTION  OF  SENATORS. 


35 


tern  unites  the  federal  and  state  governments  in  mutual  sup- 
port. {d)  It  checks  the  tendency  toward  centralization. 

II.  The  present  system  has  worked  well.  {d)  The  Sen- 
ate has  fulfilled  the  purpose  of  its  founders. — (i)  Composed 
of  able  men. — (2)  Dignified  and  orderly. — (3)  Conservative. 
 (^)  It  has  proved  to  be  the  best  upper  house  in  exist- 
ence. (<:)  It  has  more  than  once  checked  dangerous  politi- 
cal tendencies  and  arrested  vicious  legislation  on  the  part  of 

the  House  of  Representatives.  (^d)  It  has  been  widely 

copied. — (i)  By  the  Southern  Confederacy.-7(2)  By  Switzer-- 
land. — (3)  By  Germany. — (4)  By  the  South  American  re- 
publics. 

III.  The  change  would  be  unfavorable  to  good  government. 

 {a)  It  would  disturb  the  whole  scheme  of  the  national 

Constitution  as  designed  and  adopted  by  the  framers. — (i) 
This  part  was  adopted  unanimously  :  J.  Story,  Com7?ientaries 

on  the  Constitution^  §  703.  {U)  It  would  transfer  the  power 

in  the  states,  now  evenly  distributed,  to  the  cities  and  cen- 
tres of  population.  {c)  It  would  weaken  the  union  of  the 

state  and  national  governments.  (^)  It  would  substitute 

plurahties  for  majorities  in  voting.  {e)  It  would  absolve 

the  larger  states  from  the  constitutional  obligation  not  to  de- 
prive the  small  states  of  equal  representation  in  the  Senate. — 
(i)  The  states  never  consented  to  an  equality  in  a  differently 
chosen  body. 

IV.  It  would  lower  the  character  of  the  Senate.  {a)  It 

would  transfer  the  election  of  senators  to  the  nominating  con- 
ventions of  the  parties  which  have  no  personal  responsibility, 

and  which  do  not  represent  public  opinion.  (/;)  It  would 

do  away  with  the  probability  of  re-election  which  is  so  desira- 
ble.— (i)  The  people  seldom  re-elect.  {/)  It  would  offer 

more  inducement  for  fraud. — (i)  More  power  given  to  the 
machines. — (2)  Voting  in  the  legislatures  makes  voting  pub- 
lic and  thus  prevents  bribery  and  the  misrepresentation  of 
constituencies.  (^/)  It  would  reduce  senators  to  the  charac- 
ter of  state  governors. 


36 


POLITICS. 


XIV. 

DISTRICT  ELECTION  OF  CONGRESSMEN. 

Question  :  '  Resolved,  That  it  would  greatly  improve  public 
service  if  members  of  Congress  were  elected  from  any  district 
in  their  own  state.' 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  references  :  James  Bryce,  The  American  Com- 
monwealth,  I.,  189;  Journal  of  Statistical  Society,  XLIV.,  141 
(June,  1 881);  J.  Story,  Commentaries  on  the  Constitutiony  I., 

I.  The  present  system  is  imperfect.  {a)  Inferior  men 

are  elected  to  Congress. — (i)  Country  districts  and  sparsely 
populated  districts  are  unable  to  educate  men  to  a  high  stand- 
ard of  statesmanship  :  The  American  Commonwealth,  I.,  193. 

 {b)  Many  men  of  marked  ability  are  unable  to  follow  a 

political  career. — (i)  Men  of  ability  are  generally  collected 
in  the  great  cities.  {/)  Continuous  political  careers  are  al- 
most impossible. — (i)  Seats  are  lost  through  sudden  fluctua- 
tions of  opinion  or  by  the  scheming  of  wire-pullers.  {d) 

Good  legislation  is  defeated  by  making  the  representative  too 
dependent  on  his  constituents  :  The  American  Commonwealth, 
I.,  195-196. 

II.  The  change  would  be  beneficial.  (^)  It  would  do 

away  with  the  evils  of  gerrymandering.  (b)  It  would  de- 
stroy dependence  on  party  machines  and  the  giving  of  party 

patronage.  (r)  It  would  encourage  independence  of  thought 

and  improve  legislation  by  returning  men  of  greater  ability. 

III.  The  proposed  change  is  constitutional  and  practical. 

 {a)  The  Constitution  requires  residence  only  in  the 

state:  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  Art.  L,  Sec.  2,  §  2. 


CABINET  AND  CONGRESSIONAL  GOVERNMENTS.  37 


 (Ji)  The  system  has  been  highly  successful  in  England. — 

(i)  The  interests  of  a  district  are  as  carefully  watched  by  a 
non-resident  representative  as  by  a  resident  representative : 
The  American  Commonwealth^  I.,  190. — (2)  It  insures  con- 
tinuous career  to  statesmen  of  marked  ability  and  results  in 
more  effective  legislation. 

Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  REFERENCE :  James  Bryce,  The  American  Com- 
monwealth, I.,  190. 

I.  The  proposed  system  of  electing  representatives  would 

not  be  practical.  {a)  Reasons  for  the  English  practice  do 

not  exist  in  this  country.  {U)  The  present  system  of  elect- 
ing representatives  is  natural  to  a  free  country  where  local 
government  is  fully  developed  :  The  American  Commonwealth y 

I.,  192.  {/)  Non-resident  congressmen  could  not  be  elected 

even  if  nominated. — (i)  Local  pride  would  be  insulted  by  the 
slur  implied  in  the  election  of  a  man  from  outside  the  district. 

II.  The  present  system  best  represents  the  interests  of  the 
districts.  {a)  The  representative  has  a  more  exact  knowl- 
edge of  the  needs  of  his  district.  (U)  He  is  in  closer 

sympathy  with  his  constituents  and  is  familiar  with  local  senti- 
ment. {c)  His  statements  have  more  weight  in  Congress. 

XV. 

CABINET  AND  CONGRESSIONAL  GOVERNMENTS. 

Question  :  ^  Resolved,  That  the  cabinet  system  of  govern- 
ment is  preferable  to  the  congressional  system.' 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  references  :  Walter  Bagehot,  The  English  Con- 
stitutioHf  Chaps,  i.,  ii.  ;  James  Bryce,  The  American  Co?n??ton' 


38 


POLITICS. 


wealth,  I.,  Chaps,  xv.,  xvi.,  xxv.  ;  Woodrow  Wilson,  Con- 
gressional Government ;  International  Review,  IV.,  230 
(March,  1877);  Atlantic  Monthly,  LVIL,  542  (April,  1886); 
North  American  Review,  Vol.  118,  p.  i  (January,  1874); 
Contemporary  Review,  XLVIIL,  864  (December,  1885); 
Overland  Monthly,  III.,  17  (January,  1884). 

I.  The  cabinet  system  of  government  better  insures  the  ful- 
filment of  party  pledges.  (a)  Members  are  elected  on  a 

definite  programme.  (J?)  Responsibility  is  at  once  located: 

H.  D.  Traill,  Central  Government,  pp.  26-27.  {c)  Tenure 

of  office  depends  on  the  will  of  the  people. 

II.  The  cabinet  system  insures  more  intelligent  legislation. 

 {a)  It  makes  the  whole  legislature  a  great  deliberative 

body. — (i)  By  subjecting  all  measures  to  free  discussion.  

(J?)  It  intrusts  the  reins  of  government  to  the  ablest  men.  

{/)  Through  an  effective  opposition  a  thorough  examination  of 

all  measures  is  assured.  (^)  Local  legislation  is  avoided. — 

(i)  The  government  is  responsible  to  the  whole  nation.  

(<?)  Legislation  is  open  and  non-secret.  (/)  All  measures 

are  formulated  by  skilled  hands. 

III.  The  cabinet  system  insures  more  systematic  legislation. 

 {a)  All  important  bills  come  from  the  government  and 

are  the  result  of  a  fixed  policy.  (J?)  Private  bills  must 

receive  the  sanction  of  the  ministers  to  pass:  The  American 
Commonwealth,  L,  164. 

IV.  The  cabinet  system  instructs  pubhc  opinion.  {a) 

The  debates  are  widely  read  and  carefully  considered  by  the 
country  at  large. — (i)  The  failure  or  success  of  the  govern- 
ment rests  on  the  vindication  of  their  measures. 

V.  The  cabinet  system  increases  the  efficiency  of  the  exec- 
utive. {a)  By  giving  greater  harmony  between  the  legis- 
lative and  executive  branches.  {U)  By  throwing  light  on 

the  smallest  details  of  administration.  (<r)  By  forming 

legislation  with  an  intimate  knowledge  of  the  needs  of  adminis- 
tration. 


CABINET  AND  CONGRESSIONAL  GOVERNMENTS.  39 


Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references  :  A.  Lawrence  Lowell,  Essays  on 
Government,  i.  ;  Henry  Sidgwick,  The  Elements  of  Politics, 
Chap.  xxii. ;  Freeman  Snow  in  American  Historical  Associ- 
ation Papei^s,  IV.,  109  (July,  1890);  Annals  of  American  Acad- 
emy of  Political  Science,  III.,  i  (July,  1892),  306  (November, 
1892)  ;  J.  I.  C.  Hare,  American  Constitutional  Law,  I.,  Lect- 
ure X.  j  The  Federalist,  No.  li. 

I.  The  cabinet  system  causes  instability  of  government.  

{a)  Under  this  system  momentary  impulses  of  the  people  find 

ready  response  in  legislative  enactment.  {J?)  Any  breeze 

of  popular  disfavor  may  overturn  the  government.  {/) 

Socialistic  and  communistic  schemes  find  insufficient  check. 
 (^)  The  influence  of  demagogues  is  effective. 

IL  The  cabinet  system  causes  dangerous  concentration  of 

power.  {a)  The  whole  authority  of  government  is  vested 

in  one  house  and  practically  in  a  few  men. — (i)  The  majority 
have  control  of  the  fundamental  as  well  as  the  ordinary  law  of 
the  state. — (2)  The  authority  of  the  executive  is  reduced  to 
nothing. — (3)  The  legislative  branch  is  made  omnipotent. 
— (4)  There  are  no  checks  or  balances. 

IIL  The  cabinet  system  tends  toward  a  superficial  adminis- 
tration of  affairs.  (a)  Ministers  cannot  give  adequate  at- 
tention to  both  legislative  and  administrative  business.  (J?) 

Ministers  are  likely  to  be  chosen  for  tact  and  oratorical  ability 
rather  than  for  especial  administrative  fitness  :  H.  Sidgwick, 
The  Elements  of  Politics,  p.  423.  {/)  Ministers  are  com- 
pelled to  spend,  in  keeping  a  working  majority  together,  time 
which  ought  to  be  devoted  to  transacting  business. 

IV.  The  congressional  system  of  government  gives  great 

stability.  {a)  It  furnishes  pre-eminently  a  government  of 

law  and  not  one  of  popular  impulse. — (i)  By  preventing 
legislation  from  being  the  result  of  temporary  opinion,  over- 


40  POLITICS. 

excitement,  or  heated  controversy,  and  by  making  it  the  re- 
sult of  mature  and  lasting  opinion,  careful  consideration,  and 
thorough  revision. — (x)  There  is  a  complete  system  of  checks 
and  balances. — (  y)  There  is  complete  separation  of  the  differ- 
ent functions. 

V.  The  congressional  system  represents  the  popular  will  in 
the  best  way.  (a)  It  presents  safeguards  against  demagog- 
ism.  (/^)  It  prevents  the  oppression  of  the  minority  by  the 

majority.  (c)  It  distributes  responsibihty.  (d)  It  de- 
velops a  great  number  of  individual  thinkers  and  trains  many 

men  in  the  functions  of  government.  (^)  It  is  at  once 

more  conservative  and  more  democratic. 

XVI. 

CABINET  MINISTERS  IN  CONGRESS. 

Question  :  ^  Resolved,  That  cabinet  ministers  ought  to 
have  seats  and  the  right  to  speak  in  Congress. ' 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  references  :  Woodrow  Wilson,  Congressional 
Government,  Chap.  v.  ;  Walter  Bagehot,  The  English  Con- 
stitution, Chap.  i.  ;  Gamaliel  Bradford,  The  Practical  Work- 
ing of  our  Government;  H.  C.  Lockwood,  The  Abolition  of 
the  Presidency,  Chap.  x.  ;  J.  Story,  Commentaries  on  the 
Constitution,  §§  869-872  ;  Annals  of  American  Academy 
of  Political  Science,  II.,  289  (November,  1891)  ;  IV.,  404 
(November,  1893)  ;  Congressional  Globe,  1 864-1 865,  pp. 
419-420  (January  25,  1865),  pp.  444-446  (January  26, 
1865)  ;  Congressional  Record,  1 878-1879,  pp.  966-971  (April 
28,  1879);  House  Reports,  1863-1864,  No.  43;  Senate  Re- 
ports, 1880-1881,  No.  837;  Atlantic  Monthly,  L.,  95  (July, 


CABINET  MINISTERS  IN  CONGRESS.  41 


1882);  LVIL,  542  (April,  1886);  LXV.,  771-772  (June, 
1890);  North  American  Review,  \o\.  iii,  p.  330  (October, 
1870);  Overland  Monthly,  III.,  17  (January,  1884);  IX., 
309  (February,  1887);  International  Review,  VII.,  146  (Au- 
gust, 1879);  Nation,  XXVIII.,  243  (April  10,  1879);  XXXII., 
107  (February  17,  1881)  ;  XLVL,  279  (April  5,  1888). 

I.  The  present  system  is  inadequate.  {a)  There  is  want 

of  confidence  and  co-operation  between  the  cabinet  and  the 

government.  {U)  Legislation  is  carried  on  without  regard 

to  the  necessities  of  administration.  (<:)  It  is  impossible  to 

locate  responsibility.  (^)  Congress  makes  incessant  exac- 
tions which  interfere  with  departmental  business. 

II.  The  proposed  change  would  improve  legislation.  {a) 

It  would  enable  Congress  to  understand  better  the  needs  of 
the  country. — (i)  Congress  would  have  the  constant  advice 

of  the  secretaries  for  guidance.  {U)  It  would  facilitate  the 

transaction  of  business. — (i)  By  removing  the  necessity  of  re- 
quiring written  statements  from  the  heads  of  departments.  

{€)  It  would  insure  national  instead  of  sectional  legislation. 

 (^)  It  would  insure  a  better  discussion  of  measures. — (i) 

In  the  House,  from  an  efficient  opposition. — (2)  Outside, 
from  the  fact  that  a  speech  by  a  secretary  would  be  reported 

and  read.  {e)  It  would  make  legislation  continuous.  

(/)  It  would  fix  responsibility. 

III.  The  change  would  improve  administration.  {a) 

Legislation  would  be  shaped  to  meet  the  demands  of  adminis- 
tration. {F)  The  personnel  of  the  cabinet  would  be  much 

improved. — (i)  Men  would  be  chosen  on  the  ground  of  capa- 
bilities and  past  records  rather  than  for  political  or  local  con- 
siderations.— (x)  It  would  be  to  the  interest  of  the  President 
to  have  as  able  a  body  as  possible  to  present  his  views. 

IV.  The  change  is  practicable.  {a)  It  is  constitutional. 

 (J))  It  is  supported  by  precedent :  Senate  Reports,  1880- 

188 1,  No.  837,  pp.  3-4.  {c)  Favored  by  our  best  states- 
men :  Senate  Reports,  1880-1881,  No.  837.  {d)  It  avoids 


42 


POLITICS. 


the  evils  of  European  ministries. — (i)  The  cabinet  would  not 

be  dependent  on  Congress  for  their   positions.  (^)  It 

would  not  establish  a  '  responsible  government. ' 

Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references  :  A.  Lawrence  Lowell,  Essays  on 
Government,  i.  ;  Freeman  Snow  in  Annals  of  American  Acad- 
emy of  Political  Science,  IIL,  i  (July,  1892);  Freeman  Snow 
in  American  Historical  Association  Papers,  IV.,  109  (July, 
1890);  Congressional  Globe,  1864-1865,  pp.  421-424  (Janu- 
ary 25,  1865),  pp.  437-448  (January  26,  1865);  Congressional 
Record,  1878-1879,  pp.  971-974  (April  28,  1879)  ;  Atlantic 
Monthly,  LVIL,  180  (February,  1886)  ;  North  American  Re- 
view,Yo\.  124,  p.  21  (January,  1877);  Nation,  XVI.,  233 
(April  3,  1873)  ;  J.  1.  C.  Hare,  American  Co7istitutional Law , 
L,  176-181. 

L  The  change  is  unnecessary.  -{a)  The  Constitution  se- 
cures as  much  harmony  between  the  departments  as  is  consist- 
ent with  their  independence.  {F)  Congressional  legisla- 
tion has  on  the  whole  been  effective.  {c)  Congress  is 

gradually  working  out  a  system  much  better  adapted  to  our 
form  of  government.  (^)  The  defects  in  the  present  sys- 
tem are  not  inherent. 

II.  Legislation  would  not  be  improved.  {a)  The  cabinet 

would  not  be  able  to  direct  legislation.  (J?)  Responsibility 

would  not  be  centralized. — (i)  Private  members  could  intro- 
duce conflicting  bills. — (2)  The  cabinet  could  introduce  un- 
popular measures  through  private  members.  {c)  Responsi- 

bihty  would  not  be  felt. — (i)  No  penalty  for  bad  measures. 
 id)  Uniformity  would  not  be  secured. — (i)  For  uni- 
formity the  cabinet  officers  would  have  to  be  united  in  policy 
which  could  only  happen  if  the  whole  cabinet  was  responsible 

for  the  acts  of  each  member.  {e)^  The  committee  system 

wQuld  continue  to  rule. 


CABINET  MINISTERS  IN  CONGRESS. 


43 


III.  Information  about  the  affairs  of  departments  would  not 

be  more  available.  (a)  Cabinet  officers  would  be  under  no 

compulsion  to  impart  their  knowledge.  (/^)  They  could 

not  be  expected  to  furnish  detailed  information  off-hand.  

(c)  They  would  not  be  listened  to  when  advocating  measures 

repugnant  to  Congress.  (^/)  Written  reports  furnish  better 

basis  for  sound  legislation. — (i)  Poor  speakers  would  fail  to 
give  clear  expositions,  while  good  speakers  could  mislead. 

IV.  Positive  harm  would  result.  (a)  The  business  of 

the  departments  would  suffer. — (i)  If  the  President  should 
appoint  men  for  parhamentary  ability  the  executive  work 
would  suffer. — (2)  If  men  were  appointed  for  their  adminis- 
trative power  the  departments  would  suffer  from  weak  repre- 
sentation in  Congress. — (3)  Members  of  the  cabinet  have 

work  enough  to  do  as  it  is.  Serious  complications 

would  arise. — (i)  When  the  President  and  either  House  were 
of  different  political  parties. — (2)  When  the  conduct  of  the 
cabinet  became  objectionable  to  Congress,  but  was  sanctioned 

by  the  President.  (c)  Party  dissensions  would  result.  

(^/)  It  would  lower  the  dignity  of  the  President  and  the 
cabinet. — (i)  They  would  be  the  objects  of  badgering,  criti- 
cism, and  personal  attacks.  (e)  It  would  have  a  demoral- 
izing influence  on  members. — (i)  Great  temptation  for  the 
President  to  use  political  offices  to  further  his  measures. 

V.  The  change  is  contrary  to  the  spirit  of  our  government. 
 (a)  The  executive  was  not  intended  to  be  allied  to  Con- 
gress, but  to  be  a  check  or  balance.  (/?)  The  cabinet  was 

intended  to  furnish  advisers  to  the  President  and  not  to  be- 
come a  party  machine.  (^)  It  is  fundamental  in  a  de- 
mocracy that  the  people  should  move  the  government  and  not 
that  any  body  of  men  should  control  legislation. 


44 


POLITICS. 


XVII. 

CIVIL  SERVICE  REFORM. 

Question  :  '  Resolved,  That  the  Civil  Service  Act  should  be 
extended  to  all  departments  of  the  government  service.' 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  references  :  Report  of  the  United  States  Civil  Sen 
vice  Commission,  1886-188 7,  pp.  120-143;  Senate  Reports^ 
1881-1882,  No.  576;  Atlantic  Monthly,  LXV.,  433  (April, 
1890),  671  (May,  1890);  James  Bryce,  The  American  Common- 
wealth, 11. ,  Chap.  Ixv. ;  Lalor" s  Cyclopcedia,  L,  478;  III.,  895  ; 
Forum,  XIV.,  201,  216  (October,  1892);  L.  G.  Tyler,  Parties 
and  Patronage  ;  G.  W.  Curtis,  '  Party  and  Patronage,'  in  Ora- 
tions and  Addresses,  II.,  477  ;  A.  B.  Hart,  Practical  Essays  on 
American  Government,  p.  81 ;  H.  C.  Lodge,  ^  Why  Patronage 
in  Office  is  Un-American,'  in  Historical  and  Political  Essays, 
p.  114;  Political  Science  Quarterly,  III.,  247  (June,  1888)  ; 
Good  Government,  XII.,  131  (May  15,  1893)  ;  XIV.,  75  (De- 
cember 15,  1894). 

I.  Rotation  in  office  is  the  sole  cause  of  the  spoils  system : 
The   American  Commonwealth,    II.,  Chap.    Ixv.  ;  Lalor's 

Cyclopcedia,  III.,  782.  (a)  PoHtics  are  followed  simply  for 

the  money  remuneration  which  is  sure  to  come  with  party 
success.  {b)  The  spoils  system  has  created  the  profes- 
sional politician  and  the  local  boss,  who  have  been  able 
by  the  bestowal  of  political  patronage  to  build  up  party 
machines. 

II.  The  spoils  system  is  a  menace  to  our  form  of  govern- 
ment:  Senate  Reports,  1881-1882,  No.  576,  pp.  iii.-iv.  

(a)  It  is  able  to  corrupt  legislation  :  Report  of  the  United 
States  Civil  Service  Commission,  188 6- 1887,  pp.  125-127. — 
(i)  The  President  can  influence  legislation  by  withholding 


CIVIL  SERVICE  REFORM. 


45 


patronage:  Good  Government^  XII.,  53  (November  15,  1892). 
— (2)  Members  of  Congress  are  hampered  by  the  dictates  of 
machine  bosses  who  have  helped  to  elect  them.  {b)  It  con- 
sumes valuable  time  of  the  President  and  of  congressmen  : 

Senate  Reports,  1881-1882,  No.  576,  pp.  ii.-iii.  {c)  The 

interests  of  the  government  and  of  the  people  are  made  sub- 
ordinate to  the  success  of  party. 

III.  The  Civil  Service  Act  has  accomplished  good  results : 

Atlantic  Monthly,  LXXV.,  239  (February,  1895).  {a)  It 

has  helped  to  do  away  with  the  evil  of  the  spoils  system. — (i) 
Fifty  thousand  offices  have  been  removed  from  political  pat- 
ronage :  Report  of  the  United  States  Civil  Service  Commission, 
1894,  p.  120. — (2)  These  fifty  thousand  include  the  most 
important  offices,  and  the  salaries  constitute  half  the  amount, 
of  the  whole  civil  service  :  The  American  Commonwealth,  II., 

120.  (J))  It  has  raised  the  standard  of  the  civil  service. — 

(i)  Efficient  men  are  chosen. — (2)  A  continuous  career  en- 
ables men  to  become  more  valuable. — (3)  It  is  considered  an 

honor  to  hold  office  under  the  present  system.  {c)  It  has 

been  a  great  saving  to  the  government. 

IV.  There  is  no  reason  why  the  present  system  should  not 
be  extended.  {a)  The  Civil  Service  Commission  has  dis- 
charged its  duties  faithfully:  House  Reports,  1889--1890,  No. 
2445. — (i)  Mistakes  and  frauds  are  bound  to  occur  in  such 
an  extensive  system  of  examinations. — (2)  Complaints  are 
generally  attributable  to  disappointed  candidates. — (3)  The 
examinations  have  been  sensible  and  fair. — (4)  There  have 

been  few  removals,  and  none  for  partisan  reasons.  {F)  The 

commission  has  had  sufficient  experience  to  be  able  to  deal 
with  greater  numbers.  {c)  Many  branches  of  the  civil  ser- 
vice are  proper  subjects  for  classification  under  the  law. — (i) 
The  internal  revenue  service. — (2)  The  government  printing 
office. — (3)  Employees  of  navy  yards,  armories,  arsenals. — 
(4)  Light-house  service :  Report  of  the  United  States  Civil 
Service  Conmission,  1874,  pp.  26-27. 


46 


POLITICS. 


Brief  for  the  Negative, 

General  references  :  Senate  Reports^  1 88 7-1 888,  No. 
2373>  PP-  46-47  ;  House  Reports,  1885-1886,  No.  looi ; 
North  American  Review,  Vol.  132,  p.  305  (April,  1881). 

I.  The  civil  service  law  is  not  in  accordance  with  the 
principles  of  American  institutions.  {a)  It  is  unconsti- 
tutional: Constitution  of  the  United  States,  Art.  II.,  Sec.  2; 
Congressional  Record,  188 2- 1883,  p.  470  (December  20, 
1882). — (i)  It  puts  the  power  of  appointment,  given  to  the 

President,  in  the  hands  of  a  separate  board.  (Ji)  It  tends  to 

destroy  the  advantages  of  party  government :  House  Reports, 
1885-1886,  No.  looi. — (i)  It  removes  responsibility  from 
the  President  and  the  party  and  places  it  on  a  non-partisan 
board. — (2)  Success  of  party  policy  requires  that  subordinates 
should  be  in  sympathy  with  superiors. — (3)  Continued  and 
uninterrupted  holding  of  office  is  sure  to  result  in  corruption. 
 {c)  It  tends  toward  a  permanent  office-holding  commu- 
nity.— (i)  The  present  system  is  borrowed  from  England,  and 
is  consonant  with  a  monarchy. — (2)  Public  office  should  not 
be  held  as  a  right  by  a  special  class,  but  should  belong  to  the 
public. 

II.  The  civil  service  law  is  unnecessary  for  purifying  the 

civil  service.  (a)  If  the  President  and  cabinet  find  that  they 

can  better  perform  the  trusts  confided  to  them  by  the  retention 
of  those  holding  offices  in  the  various  departments  they  have 
the  power  to  do  so  without  this  law. 

III.  The  present  law  is  unjust :  House  Reports,  1 885-1 886, 

No.  looi,  p.  2.  {a)  Persons  over  the  age  of  forty-five  are 

barred  from  examinations.  {b)  A  great  majority  of  the 

people  are  unable  to  attend  the  examinations. — (i)  Examina- 
tions are  held  in  a  few  cities,  at  appointed  times,  and  usually 
last  only  a  day  or  two. 

IV.  The  law  has  worked  badly.  {a')  It  has  not  accom- 
plished the  promised  reforms:  Senate  Reports,  1887-1888, 
No.  2373,  pp.  46-47. — (i)  Partisan  changes  have  been  made. 


SYSTEM  OF  PREVENTING  ELECTION  FRAUDS.  47 


— (2)  Federal  officials  have  participated  in  political  conven- 
tions and  have  used  their  official  influence. — (3)  The  system 

of  levying  tolls  for  political  purposes  has  continued.  {I?) 

The  states  are  unequally  represented  :  House  Reports,  1885- 
1886,  No.  looi,  p.  2. — (i)  Maryland  has  one  j^erson  in  the 
service  for  every  thirty-five  hundred  inhabitants. — (2)  Texas 
has  one  for  every  twenty-five  thousand. 

XVIII. 

THE    ENGLISH    SYSTEM    OF    PREVENTING  ELECTION 
FRAUDS. 

Question  :  '  Resolved,  That  the  English  system  for  the 
prevention  of  bribery  and  corruption  at  elections  ought  to  be 
adopted  in  the  United  States. ' 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  references  :  C.  K.  Cooke,  A  Handy  Book  for 
Electors ;  F.  J.  Stimson,  The  Methods  of  Bribery  and  its 
Prevention  at  our  National  Elections ;  Eorum,  XV.,  129, 
148  (April,  1893);  Century,  XLIV.,  940  (October,  1892); 
XLVI.,  150  (May,  1893);  XLVII.,  144,  149  (November, 
1893),  781  (March,  1894)  ;  North  American  Review,  Vol. 
146,  p.  21  (January,  1888);  Vol.  148,  p.  82  (January, 
1889);  Nineteenth  Century,  XV.,  123  (January,  1884); 
New  Englander,  L.,  309  (May,  1889);  LIII.,  505  (Decem- 
ber, 1890);  Nation,  XXXIX.,  303  (October  9,  1884); 
XLIII.,  386  (November  11,  1886);  Overland  Monthly, 
(second  series),  V.,  269  (March,  1885);  American  Law  Re- 
view, XXVII.,  345  (May,  1893). 

I.  There  is  urgent  need  for  reform  of  the  election  abuses  of 
this  country.  (a)  Corruption  is  the  great  danger  of  democ- 
racies.— (i)  It  imperils  self-government. — (2)  Vitiates  the 
minds  of  the  people. — (3)  Raises  up  demagogues  and  perpet- 
uates machine  rule.  (^)  Bribery  and  corruption  are  com- 


48 


POLITICS. 


mon  in  this  country  :  The  Methods  of  Bribery  and  its  Preven- 
tion at  our  National  Elections,  pp.  7-18;  Century,  XLIV., 

942-946.  {c)  Bribery  and  corruption  are  especially  potent 

in  our  political  system. — (i)  Certain  small  localities  hold  the 
balance  of  power. 

II.  The  English  system  for  the  prevention  of  these  abuses 

is  the  best  yet  devised.  {a)  Its  provisions  are  wise. — (i) 

Prohibits  bribery  and  treating :  A  Handy  Book  for  Electors, 
p.  8. — (2)  Prevents  undue  influence  being  used  to  secure 
votes.  —  (3)  Prohibits  personation.  —  (4)  Prohibits  illegal 
practices.  —  (x)  Hiring  conveyances.  —  (y)  Advertising  or 
placarding. — (z)  Hiring  halls  or  buildings. — (5)  Compels 
a  full  account  of  all  election  expenses :  A  Handy  Book  for 

Electors,  p.  41.  (^)  Its  punishments  are  severe:  Eorum, 

XV.,  136.  {c)  Its  success  has  been  undoubted:  Eorum, 

XV.,  141. — (i)  Corrupt  practices  have  almost  ceased  to  exist. 
— (2)  No  single  member  has  been  unseated  for  bribery. — (3) 
An  undesirable  class  has  been  removed  from  politics. 

III.  The  English  system  should  be  adopted  in  this  country. 

 {a)  No  difficulty  in  applying  the  act.  (J?)  Corruption 

would  in  a  great  part  be  stopped.  {c)  Elections  would  be 

purified.  (^)  Better  representatives  would  be  secured. — 

(i)  Poor  men  of  ability  would  have  more  chance. — (2)  A 
man's  subscription  to  the  campaign  fund  would  not  be  so  in- 
fluential. {/)  The  power  of  bosses  would  be  diminished. 

 (/)  The  will  of  the  people  would  be  more  likely  to  be 

carried  out. 

Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references  :  C.  K.  Cooke,  A  Handy  Book  for 
Electors ;  James  Bryce,  The  A7nerica7i  Co7nmonwealth,  II., 
Chap.  Ixiv.;  Josiah  Quincy  in  Eorum,  XV.,  142  (April, 
1893);  Century,  XLIV.,  950  (October,  1892);  XLVIL, 
788-789  (March,  1894);  National  Review,  II.,  189  (Octo- 
ber, 1883);    Saturday  Review,   LVL,  489  (October  20, 

1883). 


EXECUTIVE  POWER  OF  THE  MAYOR  IN  CITIES.  49 


I.  The  English  system  is  faulty.  (a)  It  is  cumbersome. — 

(1)  Great  number  of  small  technical  points  which  have  to  be 
observed.  {b)  Its  penalties  are  too  severe. — (i)  An  elec- 
tion may  be  invalidated  by  a  slight  mistake. — (2)  The  candi- 
date is  made  answerable  for  the  wrongs  of  persons  acting  with- 
out his  knowledge  and  contrary  to  his  wishes. 

II.  The  English  system  is  not  adaptable  to  this  country. 

 (a)  The  conditions  are  different. — (i)  In  England  each 

campaign  is  separate  and  not  confused  with  others. — (2)  Each 
campaign  is  managed  by  the  candidate  or  his  agent,  who  can 
easily  be  held  responsible  for  its  conduct. — (3)  In  this 
country  ten  or  twenty  candidates  may  run  on  the  same  ticket 
and  none  of  them  have  anything  to  do  with  the  conduct  of 
the  campaign  or  its  expenses. — (4)  In  this  country  elections 
come  so  frequently  as  to  make  the  English  system  with  its  com- 
plicated mechanism  unpracticable.  (P)  The  law  w^ould 

fail  in  this  country  if  for  no  other  reason  than  that  it  is  not 
backed  by  public  opinion. — (i)  Public  opinion  not  ready  for 
so  stringent  an  act. 

III.  Reform  of  election  abuses  can  be  better  accomplished 

by  separate  measures  on  the  part  of  the  several  states.  (a) 

Different  localities  need  different  treatment. — (i)  Bribery  is 
only  sporadic:  The  American  Commonwealth^  II.,   146. — 

(2)  The  methods  of  corruption  vary  in  different  parts  of  the 

country.  A  general  enactment  by  Congress  would  be 

of  doubtful  constitutionaHty. — (i)  The  method  of  electing 
representatives  belongs  by  right  to  the  states  :  Constitution  of 
the  United  States ,  Art.  I.,  Sec.  4. 

XIX. 

THE  EXECUTIVE  POWER  OF  THE  MAYOR  IN  CITIES. 

Question  :  '  Resolved,  That  all  executive  duties  in  American 
cities  should  be  concentrated  in  the  hands  of  the  mayor,  and 
that  his  appointments  should  not  require  confirmation. ' 
4 


POLITICS. 


Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  references  :  Seth  Low,  The  Problem  of  Munic- 
ipal Govern77ie7it  in  the  United  States^  pp.  13-19;  A.  P.  Wilder, 
The  Municipal  P rob  Ian,  Chap.  v.  ;  F.  J.  Parker,  A  Study  of 
Municipal  -Government  in  Massachusetts,  pp.  16-24  }  James 
Bryce,  The  America?z  Commonwealth,  L,  Chaps.  1.,  H.,  Hi.  ; 
Scribner's  Magazine,  II.,  485  (October,  1887)  ;  Noi^th  Ameri- 
can Review,  Vol.  153,  p.  587  (November,  1891);  Forum, 
III.,  170  (April,  1887);  Nation,  XIII.,  333  (November  23, 
1871). 

I.  Municipal  government  in  the  United  States  has  proved 
a  failure:  The  American  Commonwealth,!.,  Chap,  li.;  Lalor' s 

Cyclopcedia,  I.,  463.  {a)  Shown  by  the  political  rings  and 

great  corruption  in  New  York,  Philadelphia,  Chicago,  San 

Francisco.  (^)  Inefficiency  in  the  administration  of  city 

interests. — (i)  Poor  streets. — (2)  Poor  sanitary  regulation. 

 (<r)  Bonded  debts  of  American  cities  have  risen  from  one 

hundred  miUions  in  i860  to  seven  hundred  milhons  in  1890  : 
Lalor' s  Cyclopcedia,  I.,  465. 

II.  The  failure  has  been  due  in  part  to  the  division  of  the 

executive  power  between  the  mayor  and  the  council.  {d) 

Speedy  action  and  effective  enforcement  of  the  law  is  impossi- 
ble through  the  deliberations  of  a  large  council.  (J))  Cor- 
ruption is  encouraged,  as  it  is  impossible  to  fix  the  blame  for 
failure  to  carry  out  the  law. 

III.  It  has  been  partly  due  to  the  division  of  the  appointing 

power.  {a)  Inefficient  men  are  appointed. — (i)  Council 

is  obliged  to  compromise  on  mediocre  men. — (2)  Lack  of  re- 
sponsibility encourages  carelessness  in  appointments.  (J?) 

Corruption  is  encouraged. — (i)  Deals  are  often  made  between 
the  mayor  and  the  council :  The  Pi^oblem  of  Municipal  Govern- 
ment in  the  United  States,  p.  14. — (2)  Blame  for  the  appoint- 
ments of  vicious  men  cannot  be  fixed.  {f)  Political  ma- 
chines and  rings  are  built  uj)  by  allowing  too  many  men  to 


EXECUTIVE  POWER  OF  THE  MAYOR  IN  CITIES.     5 1 


have  a  part  in  the  act  of  confirming  appointments :  Nation, 
XIII.,  333- 

IV.  The  remedy  hes  in  placing  all  executive  power  and 
full  appointing  power  in  the  hands  of  the  mayor  :  The  Ameri- 
can Co??imonwea/th,  I.,  654-664.  (a)  It  would  fix  re- 
sponsibility for  corruption  and  for  slack  execution  of  the  laws 
on  the  mayor,  and  the  people  could  readily  overthrow  the  ad- 
ministration. (^)  It  would  call  better  men  to  the  office  of 

mayor. — (i)  The  office  heretofore  has  been  a  mere  figure- 
head.— (2)  The  increased  importance  of  the  office  would  sober 

the  judgment  of  mayors.  (<:)  It  would  cause  the  people  to 

take  a  more  lively  interest  in  municipal  affairs  :  The  American 
Co7?t7nonwealth,  L,  657. — (i)  They  would  exercise  more  care 

in  the  election  of  such  a  powerful  official.  (d)  The  remedy 

has  been  successful. — (i)  Case  of  Brooklyn. 

Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references  :  James  Bryce,  The  American  Com- 
monwealth, I.,  Chap,  i.,  50;  C.  W.  Eliot  in  Forum,  XII., 
165  (October,  1891)  ;  North  American  Review,  Vol.  153,  p. 
580  (November,  1891). 

I.  The  plan  suggested  would  be  contrary  to  American 

principles  of  democratic  government.  {a)  The  city  is  a 

political  as  well  as  a  business  corporation,  and  political 
methods  should  not  be  sacrificed  to  the  management  of  the 
city  as  a  corporation.  {b)  It  has  no  analogy  to  our  na- 
tional or  state  governments. 

II.  The  plan  would  not  accomplish  the  results  hoped  for. 

 (a)  Danger  of  the  rejection  of  good  nominations  is  not 

greater  than  that  resulting  from  hasty  or  ill-advised  appoint- 
ments. {p)  The  evils  wdiich  beset  city  governments  would 

still  exist. — (i)  State  interference. — (2)  The  spoils  system. — 
(3)  The  apathy  of  citizens.  {c)  It  would  destroy  continu- 
ity of  policy. — (i)  Officials  would  change  with  the  mayor. 


52 


POLITICS. 


 (d)  The  chief  cause  of  failure,  viz.,  inefficiency  of  of- 
ficials, would  not  be  removed:  Forum,  XXL,  165. 

III.  The  plan  would  give  rise  to  great  evils.  (a)  Abso- 
lute power  of  appointment  and  of  executive  would  place  too 

much  power  in  the  hands  of  one  man.  (J?)  The  temptation 

and  opportunity  for  corrupt  rings  to  secure  the  office  would  be 

increased.  The  mayor  would  have  every  opportunity 

to  work  for  his  re-election. 

IV.  Remedies  have  been  found  which  do  not  expose  cities 
to  such  great  danger.  {a)  St.  Louis  and  other  cities  of  Mis- 
souri are  successfully  administered  under  governments  modelled 
on  the  national  government :  The  American  Commonwealth ^ 
I.,  633. 

INSTITUTIONS. 
XX. 

DANGER    TO    FREE    INSTITUTIONS   IN    THE  UNITED 
STATES. 

Question  :  '  Resolved,  That  free  institutions  in  the  United 
States  are  now  in  danger.  * 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  references  :  James  B.  Weaver,  A  Call  to  Ac- 
tion;  Theodore  Roosevelt,  Essays  on  Practical  Politics ;  E.  D. 
Mead,  The  Roman  Catholic  Church  and  the  Public  Schools ; 
Forum,  V.,  16  (March,  1888);  VII.,  235  (May,  1889); 
XV.,  261  (May,  1893);  Century,  XLIV.,  940  (October, 
1892)  ;  Nation,  LVIL,  4  (July  6,  1893);  Testimony  before 
Lexow  Committee,  in  New-  York  Tribune  (March  9  to  April 
14,  May  22  to  June  30,  September  10  to  November  4,  1894). 

I.  The  rights  of  the  individual  are  in  danger.  {a)  Sup- 
pression of  the  vote  :  A.  B.  Hart,  Practical  Essays  on  Ameri- 
can Government,  p.  32.  {b)  Lynchings  in  the  South.  


\ 


DANGER  TO  FREE  INSTITUTIONS.  53 


(c)  Oppression  by  authorities. — (i)  Testimony  brought  out 

by  the  Lexow  Committee.  (d)  Justice  tampered  with : 

/^/^/.  (^)  Right  to  earn  one's  Hving  abridged. — (i)  By 

the  tyranny  of  labor  organizations. 

II.  There  is  danger  in  existing  social  conditions.-  (a) 

Breach  between  the  social  classes  widening.  —  (i)  Lower 
classes  living  in  poverty  and  filled  with  a  spirit  of  unrest  and 
discontent. — (2)  Upper  classes  living  in  extravagant  luxury. 
 (^)  Hostile  feeling  of  labor  against  capital.  Fre- 
quent outbreaks  of  internecine  war. — (i)  Homestead. — (2) 
Chicago. — (3)  Haverhill. — (4)  Brooklyn.  (^)  Increas- 
ing power  of  trusts  and  monopolies. 

III.  Our  political  institutions  are  in  danger.  (a)  Ten- 
dency toward  centralization  increasing  and  the  power  of  the 

states  diminishing.  (^)  The  best  people  are  indifferent  to 

public  affairs.  (c)  Ignorant  and  corrupt  municipal  admin- 
istrations allowed  to  continue.  (^)  Legislative  bodies  in- 
efficient and  ridiculous.  (e)  Bad  men  at  the  head.  (/) 

Spoils  system  allowed  to  go  on.  (g)  Bribery  and  corrup- 
tion permitted  in  elections.  {k)  Excessive  representation 

of  ignorance. — (i)  From  western  states. — (2)  Negro  voters. 
 (/)  Country  being  overrun  by  foreigners.  (/)  Every- 
body absorbed  in  wealth-getting. 

IV.  The  Roman  Catholic  Church  is  dangerous  to  free  in- 
stitutions. (a)  Teaches  that  civil  laws  are  binding  only 

when  conformable  to  the  rights  of  the  church:  Forum,  XV., 

262.  {U)  Keeps  Catholics  apart  from  other  citizens. — (i) 

Separate  schools.  (c)  Destroys  individual  liberty.  {iT) 

Its  power  is  increasing. — (i)  By  growth. — (2)  By  centrali- 
zation of  discipline. 

Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references  :  J.  R.  Lowell,  Democracy  and  other 
Addresses,  pp.  1-42  ;  C.  W.  Eliot,  '  The  Working  of  the 
American  Democracy,'  Phi  Beta  Kappa    Oration,  1888; 


54  POLITICS. 

James  Bryce,  The  American  Commonwealth,  XL,  Chaps. 
Ixxxvii.,  xcix.,  cxviii.,  cxix.;  James  Bryce,  'The  Predictions 
of  Hamilton  and  De  Toqueville,'  in  Johns  Hopkins  University 
Studies,  v.,  329;  Forum,  V.,  16  (March,  1888);  XVIIL, 
129  (October,  1894). 

I.  The  enormous  advantages  of  our  institutions  are  under- 
rated.^ {a)  Our  institutions  are  second  to  none. — (i)  They 

unite  the  advantages  of  Enghsh  institutions  with  greater  in- 
dividual freedom.— (2)  Strong  constitution. — (3)  System  of 
checks  and  balances. — (4)  The  Supreme  Court  an  element  of 
great  strength. — (5)  The  function  of  the  state  governments 
will  keep  social  problems  from  becoming  national  questions  on 
which  the  country  may  split. 

II.  The  danger  of  our  institutions  is  greatly  magnified.  

{a)  Greater  dangers  have  been  met  in  the  past  and  overcome. 
— (i)  Shay's  rebeUion. — (2)  Whiskey  rebellion. — (3)  Slavery 

and  the  civil  war.  {U)  There  is  no  dc^nger  from  Roman 

Catholic  Church. ^ — (i)  Improbable  that  an  occasion  will  ever 
arise  in  which  the  church  will  be  opposed  to  the  welfare  of 
the  state. — (2)  If  such  an  occasion  should  arise  Catholics 

would  be  found  on  the  side  of  the  state.  {c)  There  is  no 

real  danger  in  social  conditions. 

III.  The  movement  toward  reform  is  strong.  (a)  In 

national  affairs. — (i)  Civil  service  reform  making  rapid  head- 
way.— (2)  Ballot  reform.  {U)  In  state  affairs. — (i)  Ma- 
chines being  broken  up.  {/)  In  municipal  affairs. — (i) 

Overthrow  of  rings. — (2)  The  better  class  of  citizens  are 
awakening  to  civic  duty.  (^/)  Social  reforms. — (i)  Grow- 
ing sentiment  in  favor  of  restricted  emigration. — (2)  Scientific 
charity  more  common. — (3)  Broader  educational  advantages. 
— (4)  Arbitration  and  conciliation  used  in  settling  labor  dis- 
putes.— (s)  Growing  sense  of  responsibiHty  on  the  part  of  the 
wealthier  classes. 


THE  JURY  SYSTEM. 


55 


XXI. 

THE  JURY  SYSTEM. 

Question  :  '  Resolved,  That  the  jury  system  should  be  abol- 
ished.' 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  references  :  North  American  Review,  Vol.  134, 
p.  244  (March,  1882);  XCII.,  304-309  (April,  1861)  ;  Vol. 
139?  P-  34^  (October,  1884);  Century,  \\\.,  124  (November, 
1882);  IV.,  302  (June,  1883);  Forum,  III.,  102  (March, 
1887)  ;  Atlantic  Moitthly,  XLVIIL,  9  (July,  1881)  ;  Popular 
Science  Monthly,  XXVI.,  289  (January,  1885);  Aiherican 
Law  Review,  y^.,  661  (September-October,  1886);  Lip- 
pincotf  s  Magazine,  IX.,  334  (March,  1872)  ;  Westminster 
Review,  XCVIL,  289  (April,  1872). 

I.  The  jury  system  makes  justice  uncertain.  {a)  Verdicts 

often  rest  on  chance:  North  American  Review,  Vol.  134,  p. 
251.  {b)  Juries  are  partial. — (i)  Influenced  by  church  in- 
terests, secret  society  bonds,  and  ties  of  relationship. — (2) 
Prejudiced  especially  against  railroad  companies  :  Westminster 
Review,  XCVIL,  307.  (<r)  Juries  are  not  capable  of  pass- 
ing intelligently  on  technical  and  scientific  points. — (i)  They 

are  made  up  of  ignorant  and  inexperienced  men.  (^) 

Juries  are  moved  by  sophistry  and  eloquence  rather  than  by 
sound  argument.  {/)  Juries  are  easily  deceived  by  witnesses. 

II.  The  jury  system  delays  justice.  (a)  Juries  very  often 

find  it  impossible  to  agree.  (^)  Appeals  to  higher  courts 

are  common.  {c)  Mistakes  due  to  the  cumbersomeness  of 

system  are  frequent.  (^)  The  impanelHng  of  juries  requires 

much  time. 

III.  The  trial  of  all  cases  by  judges  is  desirable.  {a) 

Judges  are  chosen  for  their  ability,  intelligence,  and  expe- 
rience. {b)  Judges  have  regard  for  the  honor  of  their  posi- 


56 


POLITICS. 


tion,  while  jurors  have  no  professional  honor  or  dignity  to  sus- 
tain. (<:)  The  sifting  of  evidence  needs  the  trained  mind 

of  judges  :  Westminster  Review^  XCVIL,  304. — , — (^)  If 
there  be  any  wrong  it  is  much  easier  to  punish  a  judge  than  a 

jury.  ie)  The  legal  profession  would  be  elevated :  American 

Law  Review,  XX.,  677. 

IV.  The  innovation  would  not  be  a  great  one.  {a) 

Many  cases  are  now  conducted  without  juries. — (i)  Civil 
cases  in  many  states  :  North  American  Review,  Vol.  134,  p. 
256. — (2)  Cases  in  equity. — (3)  Cases  in  appellate  courts. 

Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references  :  William  Forsyth,  Trial  by  Jury, 
Chap,  xviii.  ;  North  A^nerican  Review,  Vol.  135,  p.  447 
(November,  1882);  Vol.  139,  p.  i  (July,  1884);  Century, 
IV.,  299  (June,  1883)  ;  Popular  Science  Monthly,  XXIV., 
676  (March,  1884)  ;  International  Review,  XIV.,  158  (March, 
1883)  ;  A7nerican  Law  Review,  XXIL,  853  (November- 
December,  1888)  j  Nation,  XVI.,  428  (June  26,  1873). 

I.  The  jury  is  an  indispensable  judicial  institution.  {a) 

Law  is  not  a  pure  science  and  the  jury  system  is  the  best  means 
of  securing  substantial  justice  :  North  American  Review,  Vol. 
J35,  p.  457. — (i)  A  number  of  ordinary  people  are  better 
fitted  to  pass  on  a  question  of  fact  than  a  judge. — (x)  Their 
experience  is  more  diversified. — (y)  They  have  a  better 
knowledge  of  common  people. — (z)  Frequent  exercise  un- 
fits a  judge  in  this  line. — (2)  The  awards  of  juries  are  more 
generally  satisfactory  to  all  concerned  than  those  of  arbitrators 
or  referees. — (3)  Juries  act  as  checks  on  judges. — (4)  Judges 
are  not  infallible. — (x)  Their  sentences  are  often  very  un- 
just.— (y)  Lawyers  pick  easy  judges. — (5)  Judges  become 
hardened. — (x)  Police  court  judges. — (6)  Disagreements  of 
juries  are  not  many  in  proportion  to  the  number  of  cases 
tried. — (7)  Corruption  less  easy  than  it  would  be  if  there 
were  no  juries. 


CAPITAL  PUNISHMENT. 


57 


II.  The  jury  is  an  indispensable  social  institution.  (a) 

Much  of  the  success  of  English  civilization  is  due  to  the  jury- 
system :  North  American  Review,  Vol.  135,  p.  448.  {p) 

The  jury  system  prevents  the  encroachment  of  one  social  class 

on  the  rights  of  another.  {c)  Jury  practice  increases  good 

sense  and  sobriety  of  judgment.  (^)  It  spreads  respect  for 

the  decisions  of  the  law.  {e)  It  spreads  the  practice  of 

equitable  dealing.  (/)  It  makes  men  feel  that  they  have  a 

duty  to  fulfil  toward  society,  and  that  they  take  a  part  in  its 
government. 

III.  The  jury  is  an  indispensable  political  institution.  

id)  Men  are  fitted  for  freedom  by  enjoying  the  privileges  and 
performing  the  duties  of  free  men.  (U)  Men  are  taught  po- 
litical wisdom  and  their  legal  rights.  {c)  The  habit  of 

self-government  is  greatly  encouraged. 

XXII. 

CAPITAL  PUNISHMENT. 

Question  :  '  Resolved,  That  capital  punishment  should  be 
abolished.' 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  references  :  A.  J.  Palm,  The  Death  Penalty ; 
M.  H.  Bovee,  Reasons  for  Abolishi7ig  Capital  Ptmishment ; 
Torjiro  Mogi,  Capital  Punishment ;  Wendell  Phillips  in  North 
American  Review,  Vol.  133,  p.  550  (December,  1881)  ; 
Forum,  III.,  503  (July,  1887);  Fortnightly  Review,  LII., 
322  (September,  1889);  North  American  Review,  LXII., 
40  (January,  1846);  Vol.  116,  p.  138  (January,  1873); 
Westminster  Review,  XCI.,  429  (April,  1869). 

^  I.  Capital  punishment  is  iia£2U2edient.  {d)  It  is  con- 
trary to  the  tendency  of  civilization  :  The  Death  Penalty,  pp. 

14-24.  (J))  It  fails  to  protect  society. — (i)  It  does  not 

prevent  murder:  The  Death  Penalty,  pp.  126-129;  North 


58 


POLITICS. 


American  Review^  LXII.,  50. — (x)  New  crimes  follow  hard 

on  executions:  North  American  Review,  LXIL,  61.  {/) 

It  makes  punishment  uncertain. — (i)  Many  criminals  are  ac- 
quitted who  would  be  convicted  if  the  penalty  were  imprison- 
ment. (^)  It  is  not  reformatory. 

X  II.   Capital  punishment  is  immoral.  {a)  It  rests  on 

the  old  idea  of  retribution.  (^)  It  tends  to  weaken  the 

sacredness  of  human  life.  {c)  It  endangers  the  lives  of  in- 
nocent people:  The  Death  Penalty,  pp.  66-82.  (^)  Exe- 
cutions and  the  sensational  newspaper  accounts  which  follow 
have  a  corrupting  influence. 

III.  Capital  punishment  is  oiJ^st.  {a)  Its  mistakes  are 

irremediable.  {b)  Many  men  are  criminals  from  force  of 

circumstances:   Capital  Punishment,  pp.  30-32. — (i)  From 

heredity. — (2)  From  environment.  {c)    Inequalities  in 

administration  are  marked. — (i)  In  some  states  men  are  hung, 
in  others  imprisoned  for  the  same  crime. — (2)  Many  jurors 
have  conscientious  scruples  against  condemning  a  man  to 
death. — (3)  Men  of  wealth  and  influence  are  rarely  convicted. 

IV.  The  abolition  of  capital  punishment  has  been  followed 

by  satisfactory  results  :  The  Death  Penalty,  pp.  130-139.  

{a)  In  Europe. — (i)  Russia. — (2)  Switzerland. — (3)  Portu- 
gal.— (4)  Belgium. — (5)  Holland. — (6)  Finland.  {b)  In 

the  United  States. — (i)  Michigan. — (2)  Rhode  Island. — 
(3)  Maine. — (4)  Wisconsin. 

Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references  :  G.  B.  Cheever,  Capital  Punish- 
me7it ;  North  American  ReTjiew,  Vol.  133,  pp.  534-550 
(December,  1881)  ;  Forum,  III.,  381  (June,  1887);  Public 
Opinion,  XIII.,  33  (April  16,  i'892)  ;  Nation,  VIII.,  166 
(March  4,  1869);  XVI.,  193  (March  20,  1873),  213  (March 
27.  1873). 

I.   Capital  punishment  is  permissible.  (a)  It  has  the 

sanction  of  the  Bible. — (i)  Genesis  ix.  2-6  :  North  Ameri- 


THE  ANNEXATION  OF  CANADA. 


59 


can  Review,  Vol.   133,  pp.   534-538.  {U)   It  has  the 

sanction  of  history. — (i)  It  has  been  in  vogue  since  the  be- 
ginning of  the  world.  {c)  It  has  the  sanction  of  reason. — 

(i)  The  most  fitting  punishment  is  one  equal  and  similar  to 
the  injury  inflicted. 

II.  Capital  punishment  is  expedient.  {a)  It  is  necessary 

to  protect  society  from  anarchy  and  private  revenge. — (i) 

Death  is  the  strongest  preventative  of  crime.  {b)  No 

sufficient  substitute  has  been  offered. — (i)  Life  imprisonment 
is  a  failure. — (x)  Few  serve  the  sentence:  Nation,  XVI., 

193.  {c)  Its  abolition  has  not  been  successful. — (i)  In 

Rhode  Island. — -(2)  In  Michigan  :  Forum,  III.,  388. 

III.  The  objections  made  to  capital  punishment  are  not 

sound.  (a)  Prisons  are  not  reformatory:   Forum,  III., 

390.  {b)  The  fact  that  crimes  have  decreased  in  some 

places  where  executions  have  stopped  is  not  a  valid  argument. 
— (i)  All  causes  which  increase  the  moral  well-being  of 

the  race  decrease  crime:  Natioit,  VIII.,  166.  (f)  The 

objection  that  the  innocent  sometimes  suffer  is  not  strong. — 
(i)  The  number  of  innocent  thus  suffering  is  inconsiderable 

when  compared  with  great  number  of  murders  prevented.  

{d)  The  objection  that  the  penalty  is  uncertain  may  be  over- 
come by  making  it  certain. 

NATIONAL  POLICY  (FOREIGN). 
XXIII. 

THE  ANNEXATION  OF  CANADA. 

Question:  '  Resolved,  That  Canada  should  be  annexed  to 
the  United  States.* 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  references  :  Gold  win  Smith,  Canada  and  the 
Canadian  Question,  pp.  237-301  ;  North  American  Review^ 


6o 


POLITICS. 


Vol.  136,  p.  326  (April,  1883);  Vol.  139,  pp.  42-50  (July, 
1884);  Vol.  131,  p.  14  (July,  1880);  Forum,  241  (No- 
vember, 1888);  Century,  XXXVIII.,  236  (June,  1889); 
Contemporary  Review,  XXXVIII.,  821  (November,  1880); 
XL.,  378  (September,  1881);  Public  Opinion,  XIV.,  349 
(January  14,  1893);  Forum,  VII.,  361  (June,  1889),  521 
(July,  1889). 

I.  Annexation  would  be  a  benefit  to  Canada.  {a)  Eco- 

nomieally. — (i)  By  nature  she  is  a  part  of  the  United  States. 
— (2)  Country  at  present  almost  inaccessible  would  be  brought 

close  to  civiHzation.  {U)  PoHtically. — (i)  It  would  put 

her  under  a  firm  government. — (2)  Her  present  government 
is  weak  and  unsatisfactory. — (3)  Destructive  English  control 
would  be  removed:    Contemporary  Review,  XL.,  386-398; 

Forum,  VI.,  249-250.  {c)  Commercially. — (i)  It  would 

enlarge  her  market  with  the  United  States  and  Europe. 

II.  Annexation  would  be  a  benefit  to  the  United  States. 

 {a)  It  would  bring  to  the  United  States  inexhaustible 

natural  resources:  North  American  Review,  Vol.  139,  p.  42 ; 
Handbook  of  Commercial  Union,  pp.   73-99. — (i)  Wheat 

lands. — (2)  Forests  and  mines.  (J?)  Commercially. — (i) 

It  would  give  to  the  United  States  complete  control  of  trans- 
continental water  routes  and  railroads. — (x)  The  mouth  of 
the  St.  Lawrence  River  would  be  in  the  United  States. — (y) 
The  railroads  that  pass  through  Ontario  would  be  within  the 
United  States.  {c)  It  would  remove  danger  from  a  de- 
fenceless border.  (^)  It  would  settle  long  debated  quarrels. 

— (i)  Fisheries. — (2)  Escaped  criminals. — (3)  Customs  duties. 
—(4)  Smugghng. 

'  III.  Annexation  would  be  easily  and  peacefully  accom- 
plished. {a)  No  physical  features  act  as  a  barrier.  {U) 

Parts  of  Canada  are  already  tributary. — (i)  Manitoba. — (2) 
Toronto.  {/)  People  of  both  nations  have  long  intermin- 
gled.— (i)  Canadians  naturally  come  to  the  United  States  for 
work, — Great  Britain  would  not  oppose  the  wishes  of 


THE  ANNEXATION  OF  CANADA. 


6i 


Canada.  (e)  Sentiment  in  favor  of  annexation  is  strong 

and  increasing. 

IV.  Reciprocity  would  be  unsuccessful.  (a)  Reciprocity 

was  tried  in  the  Treaty  of  1 854-1 866  and  failed. 

Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  REFERENCES :  Forum,  VI.,  451  (January,  1889); 
VII.  (March,  1889);  IX.,  562  (July,  1890);  XVI.,  325 
(November,  1893);  North  American  Review,  Vol.  148,  p. 
665  (June,  1889);  Vol.  150,  p.  404  (March,  1890);  Vol. 
152,  p.  339  (March,  i89i),p.  557  (May,  1891);  Fortnightly 
Review,  LV.,  113  (January,  1891);  Public  Opinion,  VI., 
214  (December  22,  1888),  323  (January  26,  1889)  \  J.  G. 
Bourinot,  Canada  and  the  United  States ;  James  Douglas, 
Canadian  Independence,  Annexation,  and  British  Imperial 
Federation,  pp.  46-109. 

I.  Great  Britain  would  not  consent  to  lose  Canada :  Forum, 
VL,  642  (February,  1889).  (a)  London  would  lose  con- 
trol of  enormous  capital  invested.  (^)  England  would  lose 

important  military  and  naval  stations  at  Halifax  and  Esqui- 
mau, and  thereby  endanger  her  possessions  in  the  West  In- 
dies. (c)  It  might  lead  to  the  disintegration  of  her  em- 
pire.— (i)  Since  1783  Great  Britain  has  constantly  gained 
territory,  but  given  up  no  land  of  importance. 

II.  Canada  does  not  want  to  be  annexed:  Forum,  XVI., 
325;  Magazine  of  Ame^Hcan  History,  XVI.,  180  (August, 

1886).  (a)  The  discussion  of  1889-1892  has  subsided  as  in 

1849.  (^)  Canada  is  loyal  to  Great  Britain. — (i)  Shown  in 

plans  for  imperial  federation. — (2)  In  national  societies.  

{c)  Canada  prefers  her  own  institutions. — (i)  Parliamentary 

rather  than  congressional  government.  {d)  Canada  objects 

to  many  features  of  our  national  life:  Forum,  XVI.,  325. — 
(i)  To  our  elective  judiciary. — (2)  To  our  varying  divorce 
laws. — (3)  To  our  negro  question. — (4)  To  our  large  pension 


62 


I>OLlTlCS. 


list.  Annexation  would  sacrifice  millions  spent  on  in- 
ternal improvements  to  create  national  unity. 

III.  United  States  does  not  want  Canada.  (a)  It  would 

involve  enormous  increase  of  area.  (^)  It  would  crowd  the 

House  of  Representatives  with  thirty  new  members.  (^)  It 

would  be  impossible  to  assimilate  Canadian  ideas  of  govern- 
ment with  our  own. — (i)  Parliamentary  legislature  and  min- 
isterial responsibility. — (2)  High  property  qualifications  for 

voting:   Statesman's   Year  Book,  i^95^  P-  205.  (^)  It 

would  be  difficult  to  assimilate  a  compact  foreign  race  of  two 
millions  proud  of  their  nationality. — (i)  Clannishness  shown 
in  the  immigrants  of  Maine  and  New  York. — (2)  Quebec  is 
priest  ridden :  Goldwin  Smith,  Canada  and  the  Canadian 
Question,  pp.  5-12.  {e)  It  would  imperil  our  free  institu- 
tions.— (i)  Stimulate  attacks  on  our  unsectarian  public  schools. 
— (x)  Separate  schools  for  Roman  CathoHcs  in  Quebec,  On- 
tario, and  Northwest  Territory. — (y)  Manitoba  riots.  (/) 

It  would  sharpen  our  political  wars. — (i)  American  Protec- 
tive Association,  etc.  (^)  It  would  load  upon  us  a  great  and 

growing  national  debt,  four  times  as  great  as  ours  per  capita. 


XXIV. 

THE  ANNEXATION  OF  HAWAII. 

Question  :  'Resolved,  That  Hawaii  should  be  speedily  an- 
nexed to  the  United  States. ' 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative, 

General  references  :  W.  D.  Alexander,  A  Brief  History 
of  the  Hawaiian  People;  Freeman  ^now American  Diplo- 
macy, pp.  361-397  ;  Francis  Wharton,  International  Law 
Digest,  I.,  §  62  ;  Congressional  Record,  189 3- 1894  (see  In- 
dex, Hawaiian  Islands)  ;  Senate  Executive  Documents,  1892- 
1893,  Nos.  45,  57,  76,  77  ;  North  American  Review,  Vol. 


THE  ANNEXATION  OF  HAWAII. 


63 


156,  p.  265  (March,  1893)  ;  Vol.  157,  p.  736  (December, 
1893);  Vol.  160,  p.  374  (March,  1895);  Forum,  XV.,  i 
(March,  1893);  Overland  Monthly  (^econd  ^^r'lt^),  XL,  298 
(March,  1888);  Harvard  Monthly,  XVI.,  45  (April,  1893)  ; 
.Pul?ltc  Opinion,  XIV.,  XV.,  XVI.,  XVII.  (see  Indexes). 

I.  Annexation  would  benefit  Hawaii :  North  American  Re- 
view, Vol.   156,  pp.   271-281.  {a)  Commercially. — (i) 

Increased  trade. — (2)  Restrictions  removed.  (J?)  Politi- 
cally.— (i)  More  stable  government. — (2)  The  protection  of 
a  great  power. 

II.  Annexation  would  benefit  the  United  States  commer- 
cially. (a)  Hawaii  has   great  material   prosperity. — (i) 

Revenues  always  in  excess  of  expenditures :  Public  Opinion, 

XIV.,  440. — (2)  Large  foreign  commerce.  {U)  Hawaii^s 

prosperity  would  benefit  our  producers  and  carriers  :  North 

American  Review,  Vol.  156,  pp.  271-280.  {c)  Hawaii's 

stability  would  foster  our  commerce.  (^)  A  good  govern- 
ment would  develop  the  resources. 

III.  Annexation  would  benefit  the  United  States  politically. 

 (a)  A  military  and  naval  necessity. — (i)  Hawaii  is  the 

strategical  point  for  the  control  of  the  whole  northern  Pacific : 
North  American  Review,  Vol.  160,  p.  375. — (2)  Without 
Hawaii  the  United  States  cannot  cope  with  the  military  and 
naval  positions  which  England,  France,  and  Germany  have 
acquired  in  the  Pacific. — (3)  Necessary  as  a  coaling  station  : 
North  American  Review,  Vol.  160,  p.  375. — (4)  Annexation 
by  the  United  States  would  prevent  Hawaii  ever  becoming 
the  base  of  hostile  attack. 

IV.  Annexation  is  practicable.  (a)  It  is  desired  by  the 

Hawaiian  government  and  people.  {F)  It  accords  with  our 

policy. — (i)  The  United  States  has  not  refused  the  acquisi- 
tion of  territory  under  favorable  conditions. — (x)  Cases  of 
Louisiana,  Florida,  Texas,  California,  and  Alaska. — (2)  Fa- 
vored by  statesmen. — (x)  Marcy,  Seward,  Fish,  and  Blaine. 
 {c)  Hawaii  is  part  of  the  American  system  :  North  A?neri- 


64 


POLITICS. 


can  Review,  Vol.  157,  p.   741. — (i)  In  situation. — (2)  In 

customs.  {d )  There  are  no  administrative  difficulties. — ( i ) 

No  colonial  policy  required. — (2)  The  institutions  of  the 
country  are  harmonious. — (3)  No  large  navy  required. — (4) 
The  country  is  handy.  {e)  No  foreign  power  has  pro- 
tested. 

V.  There  is  no  other  alternative  except  annexation.  {a) 

The  monarchy  cannot  be  re-established.  {p)  Hawaii  cannot 

govern  itself.  {c)  A  protectorate  is  impracticable. — (i) 

Treaties  subject  to  abrogation. — (2)  At  the  outbreak  of  war 
the  country  would  be  seized. — (3)  Liability  to  a  change  of 
sentiment. — (x)  By  England  or  Japan  getting  a  foothold. 

 (^)  A  foreign  power  cannot  be  allowed  to  get  control. 

 {e)  The  country  must  not  be  left  to  anarchy. 

Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references  :  North  American  Review,  Vol.  156, 
p.  282  (March,  1893),  p.  605  (May,  1893)  ;  Vol.  157,  p.  745 
(December,  1893);  Forum,  XV.,  389  (June,  1893);  XVI., 
670  (February,  1894);  Harper'' s  Magazine,  LXXXVIL,  737 
(October,  1893);  Spectator,  Y^y^,,  153  (February  4,  1893); 
Nation,  LVL,  154  (March  2,  1893),  190  (March  16,  1893), 
362  (May  18,  1893)  ;  LVII.,  384,  385  (November  23,  1893)  ; 
LVIIL,  60  (January  25,  1894),  96  (February  8,  1894),  380 
(May  24,  1894). 

I.  Annexation  is  opposed  to  the  policy  of  the  United  States. 

 {a)  Against  the  construction  of  the  Constitution  :  North 

American  Review,  Vol.  156,  pp.  282-286. — (i)  Efforts  to 
annex  Cuba,  St.  Thomas,  and  St.  Domingo  have  been  de- 
feated.— (2)  The  annexation  of  Louisiana,  Florida,  Texas, 
and  Alaska  do  not  furnish  precedents. — (x)  Contiguous  terri- 
tories.— (y)  Insurmountable  reasons  for  the  annexation. — (3) 
Hawaii  is  too  far  away. 

II.  Annexation  is  unnecessary.  {a)  The  United  States 


OWNERSHIP  OF  THE  NICARAGUA  CANAL.  65 


would  gain  nothing  which  it  does  not  now  possess :  Nation, 
LVI.,  154. — (i)  The  present  treaty  secures  all  rights. — (2) 
Annexation  would  not  alter  trade  relations :  Public  Opinion, 

XIV.,  416.  {b)  There  is  no  danger  of  foreign  control. — 

(i)  England  does  not  want  Hawaii:  Spectator,  LXX.,  153. 

— (2)  Hawaiian  sympathies  are  with  the  United  States.  

(<r)  We  do  not  need  Hawaii  as  a  stronghold. 

III.  Annexation  is  inexpedient.  (cC)  Burdensome. — (i) 

Protection  difficult  and  expensive. — (x)  Island  two  thousand 
miles  from  San  Francisco. — (y)  A  weak  spot  liable  to  as- 
sault. (J?)  Bad  effect  on  our  social  and  political  institu- 
tions.— (i)  The  people  not  bound  to  this  country  by  commu- 
nity of  interests  or  national  sentiment :  Spectator,  LXX.,  153. 

 {c)  Hawaii  would  always  remain  a  colonial  dependency. 

— (i)  Not  fit  to  be  incorporated  into  the  Union  :  Ha7per' s 

Magazine,  LXXXVIL,  742.  {d)  The  annexation  would 

form  a  new  and  dangerous  precedent. — (i)  No  limit  to  future 
acquisitions:  North  American  Review,  Vol.  156,  p.  284. 

IV.  Hawaii  does  not  want  annexation.  (a)  Interferes 

with  self-government.  (J?)  The  native  population  are  espe- 
cially opposed  to  it.  {/)  The  agitation  and  clamor  comes 

from  speculators. 

XXV. 

UNITED    STATES  OWNERSHIP    OF    THE  NICARAGUA 
CANAL. 

Question  :  ^  Resolved,  That  the  United  States  ought  to 
construct  and  operate  the  Nicaragua  Canal.' 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  references:  House  Reports,  1888-1889,  No. 
4167;  Senate  Reports,   1890-1 891,  No.  1944;  Journal  of 
Franklin  Institute,  Vol.  134,  p.    i  (July,   1892),  p.  109 
5 


66 


POLITICS. 


(August,  1892);  J.  C.  Rodrigues,  The  Panama  Canal,  Chaps, 
xiv.— xviii.;  The  Nicaragua  Canal,  Chaps,  i.,  iv. ,  vi.  (pub- 
lished by  the  Nicaragua  Canal  Construction  Company,  1891)  ; 
North  American  Review,  VoL  156,  p.  195  (February,  1893); 
Vol.  132,  p.  107  (February,  1881)  ;  Forum,  XVI.,  690 
(February,  1894);  XII.,  714,  721  (February,  1892);  XL, 
I  (March,  1891)  ;  III.,  407  (June,  1887);  Overland 
Monthly,  XXIII.,  489,  497  (May,  1894);  (second  series) 
XIX.,  247  (March,  1892). 

I.  The  Nicaragua  Canal  is  desirable.  {a)  Financially. 

— (i)  Its  successful  completion  and  operation  have  been  as- 
sured by  the  most  competent  engineers. — (2)  Judging  from 
the  returns  of  the  Suez  Canal,  the  Nicaragua  Canal  would  pay 
at  least  three  per  cent  on  a  capital  of  one  hundred  millions. 

 {b)  Commercially. — (i)  It  would  shorten  interoceanic 

travel   thousands   of  miles.  (<r)    Economically. — (i)  It 

would  develop  the  Pacific  slope. — (2)  Unify  the  United  States. 

II.  Control  of  the  canal  by  the  United  States  is  possible. 

 (a)  Clayton-Bulwer  Treaty  is  ineffective  :  The  Panama 

Canal,  pp.  226,  227;  W.  E.  Hall,  International  Law, 
§§  107-109  ;  Francis  Wharton,  International  Law  Digest, 
II.,  p.  238,  §  150  f. — (i)  England  has  violated  it. — (2)  Con- 
ditions have  changed. — (3)  England  raised  no  objection  to 
proposed  treaty  of  United  States  with  Nicaragua  in  1884. 

III.  Control  of  the  canal  by  the  United  States  is  desirable. 

 {a)  Neutrality  of  canal  better  guaranteed  by  a  single 

strong  nation  than  by  a  joint  protectorate.  {U)  The  United 

States  is  its  natural  protector. — (i)  By  its  situation. — (2) 
By  the  Monroe  Doctrine:  The  Pana^na  Canal,  Chap,  xiv., 
174-177. 

IV.  The  best  method  of  United  States  control  is  by  govern- 
ment ownership  :  Public  Opinion,  XIV.,  298  (December  31, 
1892).  (a)  For  public  interests. — (i)  Complete  monop- 
olies should  not  be  run  for  private  profit.  {I?)  For  com- 
mercial   interests. — (i)  Early   completion. — (2)  Economic 


OWNERSHIP  OF  THE  NICARAGUA  CANAL.  6/ 

construction. — (3)  Low  tolls.  (c)  For  national  interests. 

— (i)  Foreign  governments  cannot  meddle  under  pretext  of 
protecting  capital  invested. — (2)  The  United  States  will  have 
undisputed  right  to  canal  as  a  strategic  point. 

Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references  :  The  Nicaragua  Canal  (published 
by  the  Nicaragua  Canal  Construction  Company,  1891)  ;  J. 
C.  Rodrigues,  The  Panama  Canal,  pp.  213-220;  W.  E. 
Hall,  International  Law,  §§  107-109  ;  Nation,  XXXIX., 
516  (December  18,  1884),  538  (December  25,  1884)  \  Pub- 
lic Opinion,  XVII.,  214  (June  7,  1894),  464  (August  16, 
1894);  Saturday  Review,  LVIIL,  784  (December  20, 
1884)  ;  Chautauquan,  XIII.,  409  (July,  1891)  ;  United 
States  Foreign  Relations,  1881,  pp.  549,  563  ;  1882,  pp. 
302-314;  President  Cleveland's  Message,  December  8,  1885, 
pp.  4-7. 

I.  If  the  canal  is  a  great  necessity  a  private  company  will 

construct  it.  {a)  Such  undertakings  in  past  carried  out  by 

private  companies:  Public  Opinion,  XVII.,  214  (June  4, 

1894).  {b)  Conditions  here  especially  favorable. — (i)  No 

government  obstacles. — (x)  Concessions  of  Nicaragua  to  Mari- 
time Canal  Company,  1887  :  Senate  Reports,  1887-1888,  No. 
221. — (y)  Company  incorporated  by  Congress,  1889:  United 
States  Statutes  at  Large,  XXV.,  p.  673. — (2)  Scheme  demon- 
strated to  be  plain  and  feasible  :  The  Nicaragua  Canal,  pp. 
18-59.  (0  present  not  a  sincere  private  company  at- 
tempt.— (i)  Company  too  anxious  for  government  aid  and 
control:  Senate  Reports,  1887-1888,  No.  221,  pp.  2-5. 

II.  Under  private  management  the  interests  of  the  United 

States  are  protected.  {a)  Equal  right  to  armed  protection 

of  canal. — (i)  United  States  capital  will  be  well  represented  : 
North  American  Review,  Vol.  156,  pp.  195-199  (February, 

1893).  — (x)  Government  encouragement.  {U)  United 

States  can  land  troops  more  quickly  than  European  powers. 


68 


POLITICS. 


 (c)  United  States  has  prior  right  to  protect  company 

from  government  usurpation. — (i)  Monroe  Doctrine. 

III.  Government  ownership  of  canal  would  be  unwise.  

(a)  As  an  industrial  policy. — (i)  Government  undertakings 
are  not  economically  conducted:  Lalor^s  Cyclopcedia^  II., 
572. — (x)  Our  political  system. — (2)  It  would  open  the  door 

to  fraud  and  corruption.  {F)  As  a  foreign  policy. — (i) 

No  single  country  should  control  the  canal :  Saturday  Review, 
LVIII.,  784;  President  Cleveland's  Message,  December  8, 
1885,  pp.  4-7. — (x)  An  international  affair. — (2)  It  would 
seriously  complicate  our  foreign  relations  :  Nation,  XXXIX., 
496. — (x)  England  and  Clayton-Bulwer  Treaty. — (y)  Other 
commercial  powers  interested. — (3)  It  would  lead  to  acquisi- 
tion of  foreign  territory,  which  is  undesirable :  Nation, 
XXXIX. ,  538. — (x)  United  States  has  enough  to  do  with  pres- 
ent territory. — (y)  Absorption  of  Central  America  and  possibly 
Mexico  with  their  instable  governments  and  turbulent  people. 

IV.  The  Clayton-Bulwer  Treaty  forbids  such  action.  

{a)  Treaty  still  in  force. — (i)  Asserted  by  Great  Britain  in 
1881  :  United  States  Foreign  Relations,  1881,  p.  549. — (2) 
By  United  States  in  1883:  The  Panama  Canal,  p.  212. — 
(3)  Nothing  subsequent  to  render  treaty  void :  Nation, 
XXXIX.,  496;  W.  E.  1^2i\\,  International  Law,  io']-io(). 

 (^)  Great  Britain  will  not  give  up  treaty. — (i)  Interests 

vitally  at  stake  :  Saturday  Review,  LVIII.,  784. 

NATIONAL  POLICY  (DOMESTIC). 
XXVI. 

RESTRICTION  OF  IMMIGRATION. 

Question  :  '  Resolved,  That  immigration  should  be  further 
restricted  by  law.' 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  references:  New  -  York  Tribune  (May  17, 
1891);  Congressional  Record,  1890-1891,  p.  2955  (February 


RESTRICTION  OF  IMMIGRATION. 


69 


19,  1 891);  Political  Science  Quarterly^  III.,  46  (March, 
1888),  197  (June,  1888);  IV.,  480-489  (September,  1889)  ; 
J.  A.  Riis,  How  the  Other  Half  Lives ;  Richmond  Mayo- 
Smith,  Emigration  and  Immigration ;  North  American  Re- 
view, Vol.  152,  p.  27  (January,  1891)  ;  Atlantic  Monthly, 
LXXI.,  646  (May,  1893)  ;  Public  Opinion,  XVI.,  122  (No- 
vember 9,  1893);  F.  L.  Dingley  on  European  Emigration, 
United  States  Special  Consular  Reports^  1890,  II.,  211. 

I.  There  is  no  longer  any  necessity  for  immigration  :  Con- 
gressional Record,  1890-1891,  p.  2955. 

II.  Immigration  has  led  to  many  bad  effects.  {a)  Polit- 
ical.— (i)  Large  proportion  of  adults  gives  too  great  voting 
power :  Emigration  and  Immigration,  p.  79. — (2)  Our  de- 
graded municipal  administration  due  to  it :  Emigration  and 

Immigration,  p.   87.  (^)  Economic.  —  (i)  Immigrants 

offset  what  they  produce  by  remittances  home. — (2)  Nearly 
half  the  immigrants  are  without  occupation  and  this  ratio 
is  sti  11  in creasi ng :  Coitgressional Record,  i89o-i89i,p.  2955. 
— (3)  There  is  already  a  large  unemployed  class  of  native 
laborers:  Emigration  and  Immigration,  "i^.  127. — (4)  Displace- 
ment of  American  labor:  Congressional  Record,  1890-1891, 
p.  2955. — (5)  By  classes  used  to  a  lower  standard  of  Hving. — 
(6)  Introduction  of  the  system  :  How  the  Other  Half  Lives, 

pp.  1 21-12 3.  {c)  Social  effects. — (i)  Our  high  rates  of 

mortality,  vice,  and  crime  are  due  to  immigration  :  Emigra- 
tion and  Immigration,  p.  1 50. — (2)  Immigration  the  pre- 
vailing cause  of  illiteracy  in  the  United  States  :  Emigration 
and  Immigration,  p.  161. 

III.  The  present  laws  are  insufficient.  {a)  Diseased 

persons  are  allowed  entrance  :  Congressional  Record,  1890- 

189 1,  p.  2955.  {U)  Agents  for  steamship  lines  induce  men 

to  emigrate.  (<r)  Pauper  laws  admit  immigrants  possess- 
ing less  than  the  average  wealth  of  residents  :  Emigration  and 
Immigration,  p.  10 1. 


70 


POLITICS. 


Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references  :  North  American  Review^  Vol.  134, 
p.  347  (April,  1882);  Vol.  154,  p.  424  (April,  1892);  Vol. 
158,  p.  494  (April,  1894);  Journal  of  Social  Science^  1870, 
No.  2  ;  Forum,  XIII.,  360  (May,  1892). 

I.  The  policy  of  the  United  States  in  regard  to  immigration 
has  been  successful  and  its  continuance  is  necessary  to  develop 
the  resources  of  the  country  :  Lalor's  Cyclopcedia^  II.,  85-94. 

II.  Immigration  is  an  advantage  to  the  country :  North 

American  Review,  Vol.    134,  pp.   364-367.  {a)  The 

prosperity  brought  by  immigrants.  {b)  The  addition  to 

the  national  power  of  production.  {/)  The  money  value 

of  the  immigrants  as  laborers. 

III.  The  interests  of  American  labor  do  not  suffer  by  im- 
migration:  Westminster  Review,  Vol.  130,  p.  474  (October, 
1888);  J.  L.  Laughlin  in  International  Review,  XL,  88 

(July,   1881).  {a)  Immigrants   form    ^  non  -  competing 

groups.'  (J))  Are  ultimately  Americanized. 

IV.  The  present  immigration  laws  are  satisfactory :  Sup- 
plement to  the  Revised  Statutes  of  the  United  States,  1874- 
189 1,  I.,  Chap.  551  ;  Nation,  XLV.,  518  (December  29, 

1887).  {a)  The  worst  class  of  immigrants  is  excluded.  

(J?)  The  interests  of  American  labor  are  fully  protected.  

{c)  More  stringent  regulations,  even  if  desirable,  could  not  be 
enforced. 

XXVII. 

A  TAX  ON  IMMIGRANTS. 

Question  :  '  Resolved,  That  a  high  tax  should  be  laid  on 

all  immigrants  to  the  United  States.* 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative, 

General  REFERENCES  :  Richmond  Mayo-Smith,  Emigration 
and  Immigration ;  Forum,  XL,  635  (August,  1891)  ;  XIV., 


A  TAX  ON  IMMIGRANTS. 


71 


no  (September,  1892);  Andover  Review,  IX.,  251  (March, 
1888);  Yale  Review,  I.,  125  (August,  1892);  Congressional 
Reco7'd,  1890-1891,  p.  2955  (February  19,  1891)  ;  Political 
Science  Quarterly,  III.,  46  (March,  1888),  197  (June,  1888)  ; 
IV.,  480-489  (September,  1889)  ;  North  Americaii  Review, 
Vol.  152,  p.  27  (January,  1891);  J.  A.  Riis,  How  the  Other 
Half  Lives ;  F.  L.  Dingley  on  European  Emigration,  in 
United  States  Special  Consular  Reports,  1890,  II.,  211; 
House  Miscellaneous  Documents,  1887-1888,  No.  572,  part  2, 
Report  on  Importation  of  Contract  Labor. 

I.  Immigration  should  be  further  restricted.  {a)  On 

social  grounds. — (i)  The  proportion  of  paupers,  diseased,  and 

criminal,  is  great.  (^)   On  economic  grounds. — (i)  No 

longer  needed  to  develop  the  country:  Popular  Science 
Monthly,  XLL,  762  (October,  1892). — (2)  The  lower  wages 
and  the  standard  of  living:  Forum,  XIV.,  113  (September, 
1892). — (3)  Unskilled  occupations  are  already  overcrowded: 

Emigration  and  Immig7^ation,  pp.  11 7-1 2 2.  {/)  On  poht- 

ical  grounds. — (i)  The  immigrants  do  not  understand  our  in- 
stitutions.— (2)  They  become  tools  of  machine  politicians  : 
Emigration  and  Immigration,  pp.  79—88. — (3)  They  form 
communities  by  themselves.  (^)  The  dangers  are  increas- 
ing.— (i)  The  immigrants  congregate  in  cities  more  than  for- 
merly: Einigration  and  Immigration,  pp.  69-70. — (2)  The 
character  of  the  immigrants  is  deteriorating :  Yale  Review, 
L,  132. 

II.  A  high  tax  would  stop  undesirable  immigration.  -{a) 

It  would  make  impossible  the  sending  of  undesirable  classes. — 
(i)  Paupers. — (2)  Convicts. — (3)  Contract  laborers. — (4) 
Shiftless  and  ignorant  persons  whom  agents  of  steamship  com- 
panies induce  to  come:  Yale  Review,  I.,  132.  {U)  The 

Italians  and  Slavs  can  barely  raise  the  passage  money,  and  they 

could  not  raise  the  tax.  {c)  Tax  would  not  keep  out  the 

desirable  immigrants,  such  as  Germans,  Swedes,  and  Irish. 
— (i)  They  bring  e-nough  money  to  pay  the  tax. 


72 


POLITICS. 


III.  A  tax  is  the  simplest  effective  restriction.  {d)  It 

cannot  be  evaded.  (^)  It  is  the  surest  practical  guarantee 

of  the  qualities  desired  :  Yale  Review,  I.,  141.  It  is  a 

just  means. — (i)  One  immigrant  is  v^orth  to  the  country  one 
hundred  dollars:  Political  Science  Quarterly,  III.,  204-207 
(June,  1888). — (2)  Per  capita  wealth  of  the  United  States  is 
one  thousand  dollars. — (3)  The  immigrant  should  pay  to  be 
admitted  to  the  wealth  and  privileges  of  this  country. 

Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references:  Westminster  Review,  Vol.  130,  p. 
474  (October,  1888)  ;  North  American  Review,  Vol.  134,  p. 
347  (April,  1882);  Vol.  154,  p.  424  (April,  1892);  Vol. 
156,  p.  220  (February,  1893);  Forum,  XIII.,  360  (May, 
1892);  Lalor' s  Cyclopcedia,  II.,  85;  Friedrich  Kapp,  *  Im- 
migration/ in  Journal  of  Social  Science,  1870,  No.  2,  pp. 
21-30. 

I.  A  continuance  of  immigration  is  desirable:  Forum,  XYV., 
601  (January,  1893);  Public  Opinion,  III.,  251  (July  2, 

1887)  ;  XIV.,  297  (December  31,  1892).  {a)  There  is 

need  of  laborers  in  the  South  and  West :  North  American  Re- 
view, Vol.  134,  p.  350  (April,  1882).  {b)  Voluntary  im- 
migrants are  thrifty  and  active  :  Political  Science  Quarterly, 
III.,  61  (March,  1888).  {c)  The  troublesome  and  mis- 
chievous immigrants  are  a  small  part  of  the  whole  :  Nation, 
XLV.,  519  (December  29,  1887);  Forum,  XIV.,  605-606. 

II.  The  present  immigration  laws  are  sufficient :  Public 
Opinion,  III.,  249  ;  Supplement  to  the  Revised  Statutes  of  the 

United  States,  1874-1891,  I.,  Chap.  551.  {a)  Laws  now 

exclude  paupers,  criminals,  insane  people,  and  persons  liable 

to  become  a  public  charge,  as  well  as  imported  labor.  {p) 

Immigration  is  practically  self-regulating  :  Forum,  XIV.,  606. 

III.  The  proposed  measure  of  a  high  tax  is  undesirable.  

{a)  It  would  literally  mean  prohibition,  which  is  a  complete 


THE  EXCLUSION  OF  THE  CHINESE. 


73 


reversal  of  American  policy.  (^)  It  would  be  unjust. — (i) 

It  would  debar  families  from  emigrating. — (2)  It  would  dis- 
criminate against  the  peasant  class,  women  and  the  younger 

men,  who  are  often  the  most  desirable  immigrants.  (c) 

It  is  impracticable:  Political  Science  Quarterly,  III.,  420. — 
(i)  It  would  be  difficult  to  collect  the  tax:  Forum,  XIII., 
366  (May,  1892). — (2)  Our  extensive  frontiers  would  make 
the  law  perfectly  useless.  (^)  It  would  create  an  undesir- 
able class  of  immigrants. — (i)  Those  who  evaded  the  laws 
would  be  an  adventurous,  restless  element. — (2)  Those  who 
paid  the  tax  would  be  embittered  by  our  narrow  policy. 


XXVIII. 

THE  EXCLUSION  OF  THE  CHINESE. 

Question  :  ^  Resolved,  That  the  policy  excluding  Chinese 
laborers  from  the  United  States  should  be  maintained  and 
rigorously  enforced.' 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  REFERENCES :  Forum,  Yl,,  196  (October,  1888); 
North  American  Review,  Vol.  139,  p.  256  (September, 
1884);  Vol.  157,  p.  59  (July,  1893);  Overland  Monthly, 
VII.,  428  (April,  1886);  Scribner's  Monthly,  XII.,  862 
(October,  1876)  ;  J.  A.  Whitney,  The  Chinese  and  the  Chi- 
nese Question. 

1.  The  Chinese  are  a  source  of  danger  to  American  civiliza- 
tion. (a)  Morally. — (i)  Barbarity  of  Chinese  character: 

The  Chinese  and  the  Chinese  Question,^.  21. — (2)  Inhuman 
treatment  of  women. — (3)  Practice  of  gambling. — (4)  De- 
graded reHgion:  Forum,  VI.,  201. — (5)  Utter  disregard  for 

oaths. — (6)  Criminality:  Scribner  s  Monthly,yill.,  ^62.  

(J?)  Socially. — (i)  Unhealthy  mode  of  living. — (2)  Impossi- 


74 


POLITICS. 


bility  of  amalgamation:  Overland  Monthly,  VII.,  429. — (3) 
Contamination  through  opium  smoking,  leprosy,  and  small- 
pox.— (4)  Dangers  to  American  youth  of  both  sexes.  {c) 

Politically. — (i)  Inability  and  unwilhngness  to  become  citi- 
zens:  Senate  Reports,  1876-1877,  No.  689. — (2)  Refusal  to 
obey  our  laws. — (3)  Secret  system  of  slavery :  Scribner' s 
Monthly,  XII.,  860-865.  (^)  Economically. — (i)  Im- 
possibility of  competition  with  Chinese. — ^(2)  Gradual  en- 
croachment on  all  occupations. — (3)  Does  away  with  the 
middle  class  of  artisans  and  results  in  the  concentration  of 
capital:  Forum,  VI.,  198;  North  A7nerican  Review,  Vol. 
139'  PP-  257.  260-273. 

II.  Exclusion  furnishes  the  best  remedy.  {a)  It  is  con- 
stitutional under  decision  of  Supreme  Court :  Fong  Yue  Ting 

V.  U.  S.,  149  U.  S.,  698.  (U)  It  will  not  materially  affect 

our  commercial  relations  with  China.  {/)  It  is  beneficial 

to  the  Chinamen  who  are  legally  in  the  United  States.  

(^)  It  is  practicable. — (i)  Rules  are  simple  and  can  be 
readily  complied  with  or  enforced. 

Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references:  Nation,  LVI.,  358  (May  18, 
1893);  Forum,  XIV.,  85  (September,  1892);  XV.,  407 
(June,  1893)  ;  North  American  Review,  Vol.  148,  p.  476 
(April,  1889);  Vol.  154,  p.  596  (May,  1892);  Vol.  157, 
p.  52  (July,  1893);  Nation,  XXVIII.,  145  (February  27, 
1879);  Scribner's  Monthly,  XIII.,  687  (March,  1887); 
Nation,  XXXIV.,  222  (March  16,  1882);  Overland Mo?tthly, 
VII.,  414  (April,  1886);  XXIII.,  518  (May,  1894);  Rich- 
mond  Mayo-Smith,  Emigratiofi  and  Irmnigration,  Chap.  xi. 

I.  The  exclusion  of  the  Chinese  is  at  variance  with  fun- 
damental American  principles:   Nation,  XXXIV.,  222.  

{a)  It  is  contrary  to  the  spirit  of  the  Constitution  :  Constitu- 
tion of  the  United  States,  Amend.  XV.  (^)  It  is  founded 

on  race  prejudice.  (/)  It  violates  our  treaty  obligations 


THE  PENSION  POLICY. 


75 


and  good  faith  between  nations:  Forum,  XV.,  407;  XIV., 
85-90. 

II.  Chinese  immigration  is  no  menace  to  American  inter- 
ests. {a)  The  Chinese  do  not  immigrate  in  large  numbers. 

 (^)  They  do  not  multiply  after  their  arrival.  They 

take  only  money — and  little  of  that — out  of  the  country,  and 

leave  finished  products.  (^)  They  compete  with  unskilled 

labor  and  do  not  affect  the  wages  of  skilled  labor.  

They  are  honest,  industrious,  peaceable,  and  frugal.  (/) 

They  form  but  a  small  element  in  political  life,  and  the  fact 
that  they  are  not  citizens  makes  them  less  dangerous  than  other 
immigrants. 

III.  The  policy  of  exclusion  is  harmful.  (a)  It  injures 

good  feehng  between  the  two  countries.  (^)  It  menaces 

commerce:  Forum,  XIV.,  87-88. — (i)  China  may  retahate 

any  time.  (<r)  It  discourages  missionary  work.  {d~)  It 

deprives  the  United  States  of  effective  labor  suitable  for  large 
enterprises. — (i)  Work  on  transcontinental  railroads. — (2)  In 
mines. — (3)  Farming. — (4)  Construction  of  irrigation  works. 

IV.  The  difficulty  in  enforcing  the  legislation  makes  it  im- 
practicable. {a)  The  penalty  for  violation  has  no  terrors  for 

the  Chinese  immigrant:  Popular  Science  Monthly,  XXXVI. , 

185  (December,   1889).  {U)  Many  citizens  oppose  the 

legislation.  {c)  It  has  failed  thus  far. 

XXIX. 

THE  PENSION  POLICY. 

Question  :  '  Resolved,  That  the  pension  policy  of  the  Re- 
publican party  has  been  wise.* 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  REFERENCES :  Alvin  P.  Hovey,  Soldiers*  Rights; 
North  American  Review,  Vol.  153,  p.  205  (August,  1891); 


76  POLITICS. 

Vol.  156,  p.  420  (April,  1893),  p.  618  (May,  1893);  Cen- 
tury, XLIL,  790  (September,  1891)  ;  Congressional  Record y 
1885-1895  (see  Indexes,  Pensions);  Public  Opinion,  I.,  II., 
III.,  VIL,  IX.,  XL,  XIV.,  XV.  (see  Indexes). 

I.  Many  old  soldiers  are  in  urgent  need  of  assistance.  

{a)  Service  in  the  army  was  disastrous  to  their  health.  {U) 

They  were  poorly  paid  and  paid  in  depreciated  currency. 

 {c)  The  end  of  the  war  found  the  soldiers  unfitted  for 

peaceful  pursuits.  (^)  For  these  reasons  they  have  been 

unable  to  provide  for  their  old  age. 

II.  The  United  States  is  under  moral  obligations  to  pension 

its  old  soldiers.  {a)  The  army  was  made  up  of  our  best 

and  most  patriotic  men.  {J?)   The  United  States  has 

hitherto  always  given  service  pensions  to  its  old  soldiers.  

{c)  Our  national  honor  is  involved,  for  pension  legislation  is 

really  the  fulfilment  of  a  contract.  (^)  The  United  States 

is  wealthy  enough  to  afford  liberal  pensions. 

III.  Occasional  fraud  is  no  argument  against  pensioning 

deserving  soldiers.  {a)  Fraud  cannot  be  entirely  prevented 

in  transactions  so  large.  (J?)  Pension  frauds  have  been 

greatly  exaggerated.  {c)  The  Pension  Office  has  on  the 

whole  been  carefully  and  methodically  administered. 

IV.  A  liberal  pension  policy  strengthens  the  government. 

 (d)  It  intensifies  national  feeling  and  patriotism.  {b) 

It  acts  as  a  preventive  of  war  by  keeping  before  the  public  the 

evils  of  war.  {/)  It  strengthens  the  volunteer  sentiment  of 

the  country. 

Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references  :  D.  C.  Eaton,  Pensions ;  Forum, 
VL,  540  (January,  1889)  ;  XIL,  423  (December,  1891), 
646  (January,  1892);  XV.,  377  (May,  1893),  439  (June, 
1893),  522-540  (July,  1893)  ;  North  American  Review,  \o\, 
156,  p.  416  (April,  1893),  pp.  621-630  (May,  1893); 
Popular  Science  Monthly,  XXXV.,   722  (October,  1889); 


THE  PENSION  POLICY.  77 

Atlantic  Monthly^  LXV.,  i8  (January,  1890);  Century, 
XXVIIL,  427  (July,  1884);  XLIL,  179  (June,  1891); 
XLVI.,  13s  (May,  1893);  Harper's  Magazine,  LXXXVL, 
235  (January,  1893);  Nation,  XLIV.,  92  (February  3, 
1887),  136  (February  17,  1887);  XLVIIL,  5  (January  3, 
1889),  258  (March  28,  1889),  438  (May  30,  1889);  LV., 
466  (December  22,  1892). 

I.  The  Republican  poHcy  has  been  extravagant.  {a) 

The  amount  expended  for  pensions  has  risen  from  $13, 000, 000 
in   1866  to  ^139,000,000  in  1894  :   President' s  Message^ 

1894.  (^)  The  present  amount  is  nearly  one-third  of  the 

total  appropriations  of  Congress.  (<r)  The  amount  is  out 

of  all  proportion  to  what  other  countries  spend. — (i)  Our 
roll  is  greater  than  those  of  England,  France,  Germany,  Russia, 

and  Austria  combined:  Forum,  XII.,  648.  (d)  A  large 

part  of  the  appropriations  have  never  reached  the  pockets  of 
the  soldiers. — (i)  Large  amounts  have  gone  to  agents  and 

have  been  lost  through  fraud  and  corruption.  {e)  Acts 

have  been  passed  without  regard  to  what  the  cost  would  be. 

II.  The  Republican  policy  has  inculcated  dangerous  prin- 
ciples. (^)  It  has  given  pensions  to  men  whose  disability 

is  not  traceable  to  service. — (i)  Dependent  Pension  Act.  

(^)  It  keeps  up  protection  by  dissipating  the  surplus.  (^r) 

It  has  hurt  national  character  and  purity. — (i)  By  putting  a 
premium  on  idleness  and  stimulating  dishonesty,  mendacity, 

and  hypocrisy.  (d)  It  tends  to  a  centraHzed  and  paternal 

form  of  government. 

III.  The  Republican  policy  has  been  unfavorable  to  a  mili- 
tary spirit.  (^)  Pensions  given  through  gratitude  have 

been  called  a  debt.  (Ji)  Patriotism  is  lost  sight  of  in  the 

hope  of  a  money  reward.  {c)  The  character  of  the  soldiers 

has  been  changed. — (i)  Loyal  men    turned  into  pension 

grabbers.  (d)  Disgust  at  the  mercenary  spirit  of  the 

veterans  has  been  aroused. 


78 


POLITICS. 


XXX. 

INCREASE  OF  THE  NAVY. 

Question  :  '  Resolved,  That  it  is  for  the  best  interest  of  the 
United  States  to  build  and  maintain  a  large  navy/ 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  references  :  Congressional  Record,  1 894-1 895, 
pp.  2244,  2251,  2258  (February  15,  1895),  pp.  2302,  2306 
(February  16,  1895),  p.  3118  (March  2,  1895);  1892-1893, 
pp.  1877-1878  (February  20,  1893);  Report  of  Committee 
on  Naval  Affairs,  in  Congressionl  Record,  1 894-1 895,  p.  2231 
(February  15,  1895)  ;  Report  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  in 
Abridgment  of  Message  and  Documents,  1893— 1894,  pp.  424— 
429  ;  North  American  Review,  Vol.  149,  p.  54  (July,  1889)  ; 
Vol.  159,  p.  137  (August,  1894);  Penn  Monthly,  XII.,  45 
(January,  1881) ;  Overland  Monthly,  XIII.,  423  (April, 
1889);  XXIV.,  367  (October,  1894);  A.  T.  Mahan,  The 
Influence  of  Sea  Power  upon  History,  pp.  1-89  ;  J.  D.  J. 
Kelley,  The  Question  of  Ships,  Chaps,  ix.,  x. 

I.  A  large  navy  is  necessary  for  the  maintenance  of  national 
respect:  The  Influence  of  Sea  Power  upon  History ,  pp.  1-89. 

 {a)  To  protect  Americans  abroad. — (i)  Madagascar. — 

(2)  Bluefields. — (3)  Colombia.  {U)  To  add  weight  to  de- 
mands. {c)  To  prevent  insults. — (i)  Case  of  Allianca. 

II.  It  is  necessary  for  purposes  of  defence.  {a)  Exten- 
sive seaboard  of  16,000  miles  and  Alaska.  {U)  Increasing 

commerce.  {c)  Inadequate  coast  defences.  (^)  Inter- 
national complications  cannot  be  avoided. — (i)  Chile. — (2) 
Samoa. — (3)  Hawaii. — (4)  Nicaragua. — (5)  Great  Britain  as 

to  Behring  Sea. — (6)  Spain  as  to  Cuba. — (7)  Venezuela.  

{e)  Monroe  Doctrine  should  be  enforced. 


INCREASE  OF  THE  NAVY. 


79 


III.  It  is  necessary  for  purposes  of  offence.  (a)  Preven- 
tion of  European  interference  with  America.  (^)  Necessary 

in  case  of  war. — (i)  Comparison  of  navies  :  Abridgment  of 
Message  and  Documents,  1 893-1 894,  pp.  393-400. 

IV.  Coast  defences  alone  are  inadequate :  Congressional 
Record,  1894-1895,  p.  2307  (February  16,  1895). 

V.  Cessation  of  building  would  be  an  abrupt  break  in  the 
policy  adhered  to  since  1886  :  Abridgment  of  Message  and 

Documents,   1893-1894,  p.  424.  {a)  Additional  ships 

should  be  ordered  at  once. — (i)  The  usual  time  for  building 
a  battle-ship  is  five  years. — (2)  Cramp  cannot  construct  the 

best  in  less  than  two  and  a  half  years.  {U)  Provision  for 

the  future  is  necessary. — (i)  Sudden  shipwreck,  as  in  the  case 
of  Reina  Regente. — (2)  Ordinary  wear  and  tear. — (3)  Older 
ships  made  nearly  useless  by  modern  improvements. 

Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references:  Senate  Reports,  1 889-1 890,  No. 
174,  Views  of  the  Minority;  Nation,  XLVIIL,  319  (April  18, 
1889);  LIIL,  483  (December  24,  1891)  ;  LVII.,  341  (No- 
vember 9,  1893);  LVIIL,  284  (April  19,  1894);  LX.,  141 
(February  21,  1895);  Congressional  Record,  1 894-1 895,  p. 
2256  (February  15,  1895),  p.  2305  (February  16,  1895);  A. 
B.  Hart,  *  The  Chilean  Controversy/  in  Practical  Essays  on 
American  Government. 

I.  The  policy  of  the  United  States  is  opposed  to  a  large 

navy.  {a)  We  are  not  pugnacious.  {U)  We  have  no 

entangling  aUiances :  Century,  XXXVII.,  951  (April,  1889). 

II.  An  increase  is  unnecessary.  {a)  The  navy  is  already 

large:  Report  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  189  3- 1894,  p.  6. 

 (J>)  No  more  ships  are  needed.  {c)  No  analogy  with 

European  navies. — (i)  Small  commerce. — (2)  No  colonies. 

— (3)  Isolation.  {cl)  War  is  not  probable. — (i)  No  strong 

neighbors. — (2)  European    nations    desire    peace  with  the 


8o  POLITICS. 

United  States. — (w)  Respect  our  neutrality. — (x)  War  with 
United  States  would  precipitate  general  European  war. — (y) 
Great  foreign  investments  in  the  United  States. — (z)  Arbitra- 
tion probable. 

III.  An  increase  is  undesirable.  (a)  We  already  have  a 

deficit.  (^)  The  navy  very  expensive.  {c)  Promotes 

jingoism. — (i)  Barrundia  and  Chile:  A.  B.  Hart,  ^  The 
Chilean  Controversy/  in  Practical  Essays  on  American  Gov- 
ernment. 

IV.  Money  may  be  better  spent.  {a)  Encouragement 

of  commerce.  {U)  Better  diplomatic  service.  {c)  Re- 
serves of  ordnance  :  Report  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  1893- 

1894,  p.  16.  {d)  Adequate  coast  defence  :  Congressional 

Record,  1894-1895,  p.  2306  (February  16,  1895). 


XXXI. 

AN  INTERNATIONAL  COPYRIGHT  LAW. 

Question  :  *  Resolved,  That  an  international  copyright  law 
is  desirable. ' 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  references  :  G.  H.  Putnam,  The  Question  of 
Copyright ;  House  Reports,  1 889-1 890,  No.  2401  ;  R.  R. 
Bowker,  Copyright,  Its  Law  and  its  Literature  ;  Forum,  XVI., 
616  (January,  1894);  I.,  495  (July,  1886);  Century,!,^ 
942  (April,  1882);  Literary  World,  XX.,  24  (January  19, 
1889);  Henry  Van  Dyke,  The  National  Sin  of  Literary 
Piracy,  pp.  10-17;  Brander  Matthews,  Cheap  Books  and 
Good  Books  ;  International  Review,  VIII.,  609  (June,  1880). 

I.  Justice  demands  an  International  Copyright  Law :  The 
Question  of  Copyright,  pp.  121-132,  327-330.  {a)  Ev- 
ery author,  native  or  foreign,  should  be  rewarded  for  his 


AN  INTERNATIONAL  COPYRIGHT  LAW.  8 1 

production. — (i)  A  literary  production  is  the  possession  of 
the  author. — (2)  Literary  work  requires  real  expenditure  of 
energy :  Popular  Science  Monthly^  XIV.,  530  (February, 
1879). — (3)  Literary  productions  are  essential  to  modern 
civilization. 

II.  The  present  law  is  highly  beneficial.  {a)  It  gives 

foreign  authors  their  just  rights :  Revised  Statutes  of  the 
United  States,  Sees.  4948-4956. — (i)  They  have  control  of 
their  publications. — (2)  They  can  receive  compensation  for 
their  work.  (J?)  It  raises  the  standard  of  American  litera- 
ture.— (i)  American  authors  are  given  a  fair  field. — (2) 
Legitimate  publishers  are  encouraged  to  engage  in  publishing 
American  works. — (3)  The  withdrawal  of  the  large  number 
of  cheap  foreign  books  enables  readers  to  invest  more  in  good 

American  books.  {/)  It  does  not  make  books  dearer  : 

The  Question  of  Copyright ,  p.  363. — (i)  Americans  are  ac- 
customed to  cheap  books  and  their  demands  control  the  book 
market. — (2)  The  law  makes  possible  international  agree- 
ments among  publishers  and  the  expense  of  publication  is 
made  less  by  distribution :  The  Question  of  Copyright,  p. 

359.  (^)  It  does  not  deprive  the  public  of  good  books. 

— (i)  The  best  editions  of  the  higher  grades  of  literature  are 
more  likely  to  be  published,  as  pubhshers  are  not  afraid  of  un- 
just competition  :  The  Question  of  Copyright,  p.  358. 

III.  Repeal  of  the  law  would  be  injurious.  {a)  It  would 

discourage  native  authors  :  The  Question  of  Copyright,  pp. 
133-135. — (i)  They  could  not  compete  with  foreign  authors 
who  receive  no  pay  for  their  work  from  American  publishers. 

 It  would  degrade  public  opinion. — (i)  The  popular 

demand  is  for  the  cheapest  and  poorest  class  of  foreign 
books  :  The  Question  of  Copyright,  p.  138. 

Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references:  Forum,    L,   500  (July,  1886); 
XVL,  616  (January,  1894)  ;  North  Ainerica7i  Review,  Vol. 
6 


82 


POLITICS. 


146,  pp.  68-76  (January,  1888);  Vol.  148,  p.  327  (March, 
1889)  ;  Nation,  LIX.,  168  (September  6,  1894)  ;  Public 
Opinion,  IX.,  161  (May  24,  1890)  ;  XV.,  608  (September 
30,  1893);  XVL,  347  (January  II,  1894);  H.  C.  Carey, 
Letters  on  Internatio7tal  Copyright ;  H.  C.  Carey,  The  Inter- 
national Copyright  Question  Considered, 

I.  Copyright  is  not  a  moral  right,  and  the  reproduction  of 
literary  work  is  not  a  crime  :  North  A^nerican  Review,  Vol. 

148,  p.  327.  {a)  The  highest  tribunals  have  decided  that 

copyright  is  a  statutory  privilege:  Forum,  I.,   500.  (<^) 

The  monopoly  of  literary  work  was  given  by  the  Constitution 
on  the  principle  of  public  policy,  and  not  of  property  right  : 
Constitution  of  the  United  States,  Art.  I.,  Sec.  8,  §  8;  North 

American  Review,  Vol.  148,  p.  330  ;  Forum,  I.,  502.  

{c)  Literary  reproduction  is  neither  criminal  per  se,  nor  by 
statute  :  North  American  Review,  Vol.  148,  pp.  328—329. 

II.  The  present  law  has  shown  the  undesirability  of  an  inter- 
national copyright  law.  {a)  It  does  not  benefit  authors.- — 

(i)  American  authors  have  not  been  successful  in  Europe  : 
Forum,  XVL,  616. — (2)  Foreign  authors  have  been  unsuc- 
cessful in  the  United  States:  Forum,  XVL,  616;  Nation, 

LIX.,  169;  Public  Opinion,  XV.,  608;  XVL,  347.  {b) 

.It  has  not  improved  American  literature. — (i)  There  is  no 
basis  for  competition  between  authors. — (2)  The  disappear- 
ance of  cheap  editions  of  good  foreign  authors  has  removed  a 

powerful  stimulus  to  American  writers.  (<:)  It  increases 

the  cost  of  books  and  lessens  educational  advantages  :  North 
American  Review,  Vol.  146,  pp.  68-76. — (i)  It  makes  good 
foreign  books  dearer  to  the  public. — (2)  It  makes  American 
books  dearer  by  removing  the  incentive  given  by  cheap 

foreign  books  to  keep  down  the  price.  (^)  It  enriches  a 

few  publishers  at  the  expense  of  the  authors  and  of  the  readers  : 
Public  Opinion,  IX.,  161  ;  North  American  Review,  Vol. 
146,  pp.  68-76. — (i)  Foreign  writers  are  obliged  to  publish 
their  works  through  American  houses. 


CLOSURE  IN  THE  SENATE. 


83 


PARLIAMENTARY  PROCEDURE. 

XXXIL 

CLOSURE  IN  THE  SENATE. 

Question:  '  Resolved,  That  the  rules  of  the  Senate  ought 
to  be  so  amended  that  general  debate  may  be  limited.' 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  references  :  Auguste  Reynaert,  Histoire  de  la 
Dicipline  Farle?ne?tfatre,  II.,  355-419;  Reginald  Dickinson, 
Rules  and  Procedures  of  Foreign  Parliaments  ;  Gushing' s  Man- 
ual, Sees.  220-222,  and  note  to  fifth  edition  ;  James  Bryce, 
The  American  Co7nmonwealth,  I.,  130-132;  Charles  Brad- 
laugh,  Rules  and  Procedure  of  the  House  of  Cofnmons,  pp. 
52,  78-79- 

I.  The  adoption  of  rules  limiting  debate  in  the  Senate 

would  expedite  business.  (a)  It  would  enable  the  wishes 

of  the  majority  to  be  carried  out  more  fully  and  with  less  de- 
lay.  (J?)    It  would  prevent  dilatory  motions  and  other 

kinds  of  filibustering.  (^r)  It  would  prevent  the  kiUing  of 

measures  by  obstructive  proceedings. 

II.  Such  rules  would  improve  the  character  of  legislation. 

 (a)  They  would  bring  about  a  kind  of  responsibility  for 

the  majority. — (i)  There  would  no  longer  be  valid  excuses 

for  accomplishing  nothing.  (p)  They  would  improve  the 

character  of  debates. — (i)  There  would  be  more  life  and 
terseness  in  the  speeches.  —  (2)  Not  so  much  tendency  to 
deliver  campaign  documents. 

III.  The  freedom  of  debate  and  the  rights  of  the  minority 

would  not  be  invaded.  {a)  There  is  a  difference  between 

freedom  of  debate  and  the  right  to  speak  indefinitely.  (^) 


84 


POLITICS. 


So  long  as  the  majority  has  the  conduct  of  business  it  ought 
to  have  the  right  to  determine  the  items  which  shall  occupy 
attention  and  time  which  each  shall  receive.  No  dan- 
ger of  abuse. — (i)  Fear  of  the  disapproval  of  the  people  will 
keep  down  high-handedness. — (x)  It  is  so  with  the  House  of 
Representatives:  The  AiJierican  Commonwealthy  I.,  130. 
IV.  Limitation  of  debate  has  been  found  necessary  in  other 

parHamentary  bodies.  {a)    In  Europe. — (i)  England; 

Rules  and  Procedure  of  the  House  of  Commons ,  pp.  78-79. — 
(2)  France :  Rules  and  Procedures  of  Foreig7i  Parliaments y 
pp.  229-231. — (3)  Austria-Hungary:  Ibid.,  pp.  204,  211. 
— (4)  Denmark:  Ibid.,  p.  224. — (5)  Germany:  Ibid.,  p. 
243. — (6)  Belgium:  Ibtd.,^"^.  222-223. — (7)  Italy:  Ibid.,^, 
248. — (8)  Portugal:  Jbid.,^"^.  258-259.— (9)  Netherlands: 
Ibid.,  p.  250. — (10)  Spain:  Ibid.,  p.  266. — (11)  Switzer- 
land: Ibid.,  p.   276.  {b)  In  America. — (i)  Canada: 

Rules  of  Canadian  Senate,  p.  10. 

Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references  :  W.  M.  Torrens,  Reform  of  Pro- 
cedure in  Parliament,  Chaps,  vi.,  vii.,  viii.  ;  Congressional 
Globe,  1841,  pp.  183-185  (July  12,  1841),  pp.  203-205 
(July  15,  1841);  1861-1862,  p.  1557  (April  7,  1862); 
Congressional  Record,  1873,  Special  Session  of  Senate,  pp. 
114-117  (March  19,  1873);  1890-1891,  pp.  1667-1713 
(January  22,  1891). 

I.  There  is  no  valid  reason  for  abridging  general  debate  in 

the  Senate.  {a)  The  rules  of  the  Senate  have  always  been 

found  ample  for  the  conduct  of  public  business. — (i)  The 
Senate  transacts  more  business  than  the  House  which  has  a  rule 
limiting  debate  :   Congressional  Record,  1 890-1 891,  p.  1678. 

 {p)  The  opposition  agree  to  limit  debate  on  all  matters, 

such  as  appropriation  bills,  necessary  to  the  support  of  the 

government.  {c)  The  number  of  senators  is  small  and  the 

body  is  dignified  and  conservative. 


THE  COUNTING  OF  A  QUORUM. 


85 


II.  Such  rules  would  be  very  dangerous.  (^a)  The  Senate 

is  intended  to  be  the  deliberative  branch  of  the  legislature.  

(/^)  The  rights  of  the  minority  would  be  destroyed. — (i)  The 

majority  could  carry  out  arbitrary  measures.  (c)  Much  of 

the  dignity  of  the  Senate  would  be  taken  away.  (d)  The 

scheme  is  opposed  to  our  system  of  balances.  — (^)  The 

Senate  is  the  only  legislative  body  in  the  federal  government 
where  absolute  freedom  of  speech  is  enjoyed  :  Congressional 
Record,  1 890-1 891,  p.  1669.  (/)  Free  speech  is  of  im- 
mense importance  in  preserving  civil  liberty:  G.  F.  Hoar  in 
Congressional  Record,  1890— 1891,  p.  1670. 

III.  Such  rules  are  against  all  traditions.  {a)  All  pre- 
vious attempts  to  lirnit  general  debate  in  the  Senate  have 
failed. — (i)  The  Senate  has  had  no  such  rules  since  1806: 
Congressional  Record,  1 890-1 891,  p.  1669. — (2)  Even  in 
war  time  when  exigencies  were  greatest  no  abridgment  of 
debate  was  permitted. 

XXXIII. 

THE  COUNTING  OF  A  QUORUM. 

Question  :  *  Resolved,  That  the  principle  of  a  present 
quorum  as  laid  down  in  Reed's  Rules  is  sound.* 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  references  :  T.  B.  Reed,  Parliamentary  Rules, 
pp.  23-25;  G.  G.  Crocker,  Rrinciples  of  Procedure,  Chap, 
v.;  Congressional  Record,  1 889-1 890,  pp.  949-960  (January 
29,  1890),  pp.  977-994  (January  30,  1890),  pp.  1171-1187 
(February  10,  1890),  pp.  1213-1227  (February  11,  1890), 
pp.  1234-1266  (February  12,  1890),  pp.  1282-1307  (Feb- 
ruary 13,  1890),  pp.  1327-1347  (February  14,  1890); 
1893-1894,  pp.  3786-3792  (April  17,  1894);  North  Aincri- 
can  Review,  Vol.  149,  p.  421  (October,  1889);  Vol.  150, 


86 


POLITICS. 


p.  382  (March,  1890),  p.  537  (May,  1890)  ;  Vol.  151,  pp. 
229,  237  (August,  1890),  p.  367  (September,  1890);  Public 
Opinion,  VIII.,  419  (February  8,  1890),  441  (February  15, 
1890),  467  (February  22,  1890);  IX.,  4  (April  12,  1890); 
XVII.,  71  (April  19,  1894),  90  (April  26,  1894);  Nation, 
LVIIL,  148  (March  i,  1894). 

I.  The  principle  is  necessary.  {a)  Without  it  business 

cannot  be  transacted. — (i)  Even  though  a  party  has  a  good 
majority  it  is  impossible  to  pass  legislation. — (x)  On  account 
of  illness. — (y)  Business  duties.  {b)  The  majority  are  un- 
able to  fulfil  party  pledges.— (i)  On  account  of  dilatory  mo- 
tions, filibustering,  and  obstruction.  {c)  There  is  no  other 

alternative. — (i)  The  House  cannot  waste  its  time  discipHning 
members. — (2)  The  House  cannot  delegate  to  the  Speaker 
the  power  of  punishing  members. 

II.  The  principle  is  reasonable.  {a)  It  protects  the 

rights  of  the  majority  as  well  as  the  minority.  {U)  It  pre- 
vents waste  of  time.  {c)  It  enables  business  to  be  taken 

up  and  despatched  in  order  of  its  importance.  {d')  It  does 

not  confer  dangerous  power  on  the  Speaker. — (i)  The  power 
of  the  Speaker  is  increased  only  when  the  action  of  the  minor- 
ity renders  it  necessary. 

III.  The  principle  is  justified  by  precedents.  {a)  By 

legal  decisions  :  Congressional  Record,  1 889-1 890,  pp.  1173- 
1174,  1181-1182;  North  American  Review,  Vol.  150,  pp. 

385-387.  {U)  By  the  practice  of  other  legislative  bodies. 

— (i)  In  the  United  States :  North  American  Review,  Vol. 
150,  pp.  387-388. — (2)  In  Europe:  North  American  Review, 
Vol.  153,  pp.  73^-749- 

Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references  :  Congressional  Record,  1879-1880, 
pp.  575-579  (January  28,  1880) ;  1889-1890,  pp.  1177-1187 
(February  10,  1890),  pp.  1209-1225  (February  11,  1890), 


THE  COUNTING  OF  A  QUORUM. 


87 


pp.  1234-1266  (February  12,  1890),  pp.  1282-1307  (Feb- 
ruary 13,  1890),  pp.  1327-1347  (February  14,  1890); 
Ncrth  American  Review,  Vol.  149,  p.  665  (December, 
1889);  Vol.  150,  p.  390  (March,  1890);  Vol.  151,  p.  90 
(July,  1890),  p.  385  (October,  1890);  Fud He  Opinion,  Y III,, 
419  (February  8,  1890),  441  (February  15,  1890),  467  (Feb- 
ruary 22,  1890);  XVII.,  91  (April  26,  1894);  Nation,  L., 
loi,  104  (February  6,  1890),  124  (February  13,  1890),  143 
(February  20,  1890);  LI.,  44  (July  17,  1890),  104  (August 
7,  1890),  240  (September  25,  1890)  ;  LIV.,  102  (February 
II,  1892);  LVIII.,  281  (April  19,  1894),  306  (April  26, 
1894). 

I.  The  principle  is  contrary  to  parliamentary  law.  (a) 

Contrary  to  the  principles. — (i)  No  business  can  be  transacted 
if  attention  is  called  to  the  fact  that  a  quorum  is  not  present. 
— (2)  The  fact  of  a  quorum  or  no  quorum  is  settled  by  the 
record. — (3)  The  constitutional  idea  of  a  quorum  implies  not 
the  visible  presence  but  the  judgment  and  votes  of  members. 

 (^)  Contrary  to  precedents  :  North  American  Review, 

Vol.  151,  p.  91. — (i)  Opinion  of  Mr.  Reed:  Nation,  L., 
loi. — (2)  Ruling  of  Speaker  Blaine  :  Congressional  Record, 
1874-1875,  p.  1734  (February  24,  1875). 

II.  The  principle  is  dangerous.  {a)  It  destroys  the  de- 
liberative character  of  the  House  of  Representatives.  {b) 

It  violates  the  rights  of  the  minority. — (i)  Rules  are  intended 
to  protect,  not  to  oppress,  minorities.  {/)  It  has  a  danger- 
ous tendency  to  centralize  party  government.  {d)  It  gives 

the  Speaker  extraordinary  power  for  sectional  and  party  pur- 
poses. 

III.  The  principle  is  the  foundation  of  legislative  fraud.  

{a)  It  enables  the  Speaker  to  declare  a  bill  passed  when  the 

records  show  the  contrary.  {F)  It  will  cause  anxiety  as  to 

the  legality  of  bills  passed  over  a  veto.  {/)  It  makes  it 

possible  to  railroad  bills  through  Congress.  {d')  It  does 

away  with  legitimate  and  necessary  checks  upon  legislation. 


BCONOMICS. 


CURRENCY. 
XXXIV. 

AN  INTERNATIONAL  GOLD  STANDARD. 

Question  :  '  Resolved^  That  all  nations  should  unite  in 
adopting  the  same  monetary  system  and  that  that  system  should 
be  gold.* 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  references  :  F.  W.  Taussig,  The  Silver  Situa- 
tion in  the  United  States,  Part  II.;  Robert  Giffen,  The  Case 
Against  Bimetallism ;  J.  L.  Laughlin  in  Quarterly  Journal 
of  Economics^  I.,  319  (April,  1887). 

I.  An  international  monetary  system  is  desirable  for  the 
promotion  of  international  commerce :  Reports  of  Interna- 
tional Monetary  Conferences,  1867,  1878,  1881,  1892. 

II.  Gold  would  be  the  best  standard  :  The  Silver  Situation 

in  the  United  States,  p.  124.  (a)  It  is  the  most  convenient  : 

Fortnightly  Review,  XLVL,  480  (October,  1886).  {d)  It 

is  the  most  stable  :  Journal  of  Institute  of  Baitkers,  pp.  277- 
279  (May,  1883).  {c)  It  has  the  advantage  of  being  uni- 
versally recognized  as  a  desirable  standard. 

III.  The  gold  standard  could  be  readily  maintained.  

(a)  The  output  is  not  declining :  F.  W.  Taussig  in  Popular 
Science  Monthly,  XLIII.,   582  (September,   1893)  ;  North 

American  Review,  Vol.  160,  p.  38  (January,  1895).  {U) 

The  use  pf  credit  is  increasing.  {c)  The  debtor  is  not 


AN  INTERNATIONAL  GOLD  STANDARD.  89 


burdened.  Qi)  Money  wages  are  rising  though  prices  are 

falling:  The  Silver  Situation  in  the  United  States,  pp.  106- 
108. 

IV.  The  gold  standard  is  the  only  practical  standard.  

{a)  The  single  silver  standard  is  admittedly  bad.  {p) 

The  multiple  standard  is  difficult  of  attainment.  {/)  Inter- 
national bimetalHsm  is  open  to  special  objections. — (i)  An 
agreement  cannot  be  reached. — (2)  If  made  it  could  not  be 
maintained. — (3)  If  made  and  maintained  it  would  be  unjust 
to  creditors  by  raising  prices. 

Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references  :  F.  A.  Walker,  Money,  Chaps,  ix. 
-xiii.j  E.  Benjamin  Andrews  in  Political  Science  Quarterly, 
VIII.,  197  (June,  1893),  401  (September,  1893)  ;  J.  S. 
Nicholson,  Money  and  Monetary  Problems,  Part  II.;  Lalor's 
Cyclopcedia,  11. ,  883. 

I.  A  single  gold  standard  is  undesirable.  {a)  It  lowers 

prices  by  decreasing  the  amount  of  money  :  F.  A.  Walker, 
Money,  pp.  268-269. — (i)  Lower  prices  depress  industry: 
International  Monetary  Conference,  1892,  pp.  240-245. — (2) 
They  are  injurious  to  the  farmers  :  The  Silver  Situation  in 
the  United  States,  pp.  11 2-1 15. — (3)  They  are  unjust  to  the 
debtor  class  :  S.  M.  Mac  Vane,  Political  Eco7iomy,  p.  123. — 
(4)  Scarcity  of  money  causes  dangerous  extension  of  credit. 
 {b)  It  is  a  fluctuating  standard. — (i)  Gold  has  appre- 
ciated:  Quarterly  Journal  of  Economics,  III.,  153  (January, 
1889)  ;  Review  of  Reviews,  VIII.,  406  (October,  1893). — (2) 
The  prices  of  commodities  have  fallen  at  the  same  rate  as 
silver:  The  Silver  Situation  in  the  United  States,  p.  103. 

II.  The  adoption  of  a  universal  gold  standard  would  be 
impracticable.  {a)  Gold  is  scarce. — (i)  The  present  sup- 
ply is  insufficient. — (2)  The  annual  output  is  small  and  is 
mined  largely  with  silver:  F.  A.  AValker,  Money,  pp.  254, 
265, — (3)  Much  gold  is  used  in  the  arts  :  Mo?iey  and  Mone- 


go 


ECONOMICS. 


fary  Problems^  p.  290. — (4)  Some  countries  have  no  gold. 

 {b)  It  would  entail  financial  loss. 

III.  Bimetallism  is  practicable  and  desirable :  Money  and 

Monetary  Problems,  Part  II.,  Chap.  iv.  {a)  The  ratio  of 

gold  and  silver  is  determined  not  by  relative  amounts,  but  by 
relative  demand:  Money  and  Monetary  Problems,  pp.  214- 
217. — (i)  International  legislation  can  regulate  demand. — 
(2)  Single  countries   can   regulate   their  demand :    F.  A. 

Walker,  Money,  p.  266.  {U)  The  over-production  of  silver 

is  impossible  :  Political  Science  Quarterly,  VIII.,  212-215. 
 {c)  Bimetallism  would  furnish  sufficient  money. 

XXXV. 

BIMETALLISM  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

Question  :  ^  Resolved,  That  any  further  coinage  of  silver 
by  the  United  States  is  undesirable.* 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  references:  W.  S.  Jevons,  Investigations  in 
Curreftcy  and  Finance,  pp.  303-316;  F.  W.  Taussig,  The 
Silver  Situation  in  the  United  States ;  J.  L.  Laughlin,  The 
History  of  Bimetallism  in  the  United  States,  Chaps,  xiii.,  xiv.; 
Nation,  LVL,  96  (February  9,  1893),  432  (June  15,  1893), 
466  (June  29,  1893),  448  (June  22,  1893)  ;  LVIL,  22  (July 
13,  1893),  61  (July  27,  1893),  94-95  (August  10,  1893), 
222  (September  28,  1893);  LVIIL,  266  (April  12,  1894), 
463  (June  21,  1894). 

I.  International  bimetallism  is  at  present  impracticable. 

 {d)  Great  Britain,  the  chief  commercial  nation,  would 

stay  out :  hivestigations  in  Currency  and  Finance,  pp.  307— 
309- 

II.  The  United  States  must  remain  on  a  gold  basis.  {a) 


BIMETALLISM  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES.  9 1 


Gold  is  more  stable  in  value  than  silver:  Investigations  in 

Currency  and  Finance,  pp.  305,  31 1-3 13.  {U)  A  silver 

standard  would  injure  trade. — (i)  Would  produce  violent 
fluctuations  in  foreign  exchange :  F.  A.  Walker,  Political 
Economy,  pp.  409-411. — (2)  Would  render  the  value  of 
debts  uncertain.  The  morale  of  tinkering  with  the  cur- 
rency is  bad  :  The  Silver  Situation  in  the  United  States,  pp. 

126-127.  (jl)  Change  to  a  silver  standard  means  another 

financial  crisis.  -(<f)  A  silver  standard  is  dishonest. — (i) 

Injures  creditors. — (2)  Does  not  permanently  help  debtors. 

III.  Further  coinage  of  silver  would  render  a  gold  basis 

impossible.  (^)  National  bimetallism  means  silver  mono- 

metalhsm. — (i)  Only  exceptional  good  fortune  has  prevented 
previous  issues  of  silver  from  driving  the  United  States  to  a 
silver  basis. — (v)  Silver  replaced  disappearing  bank-notes : 
The  Silver  Situation  in  the  United  States,  pp.  38-39. — (w) 
Treasury  offered  baits  to  induce  use  of  silver:  Ibid.,  pp.  20, 
41. — (x)  Banks  received  treasury  notes  of  1890  freely:  Ibid.., 
p.  59. — (y)  Large  surplus  in  1885,  1886:  Ibid.,  p.  32. — 
(z)  Favorable  balance  of  trade. — (2)  Such  exceptional  good 
fortune  cannot  be  expected  to  continue. — (3)  Events  prove 
that  with  an  unfavorable  balance  of  trade  we  cannot  maintain 
gold  payments. — (x)  The  drain  of  gold  falls  wholly  on  the 
Treasury. — (y)  Gold  bonds  are  a  temporary  expedient. 

IV.  If  a  currency  supplementary  to  gold  is  needed  a  revised 
system  of  national  bank-notes  is  better  than  silver. 

Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references:  F.  A.  Walker,  Money;  J.  S. 
Nicholson,  Money  and  Monetary  Problems ;  E.  Benjamin  An- 
drews \n  Political  Science  Quarterly,  VIIL,  197  (June,  1893); 
E.  Suess,  The  Future  of  Silver ;  S.  D.  Horton,  Silver  in 
Europe ;  J.  W.  Jenks  in  Journal  of  Social  Science,  XXXII., 
27  (November,  1894). 

I.  A  single  gold  standard  would  give  rise  to  great  evils.  

{a)  It  would  depress  trade  and  industry  :  Journal  of  Social 


92 


ECONOMICS. 


Science^  XXXII.,  27. — (i)  On  a  gold  basis,  the  amount  of 
money  could  not  increase  with  the  growth  of  population  and 
business. — (x)  Supply  of  gold  is  insufficient :  Report  of  United 
States  Monetary  Commission  of  iSyy,  p.  15  ;  Political  Science 
Quarterly,  VIII.,  211. — (2)  Contraction  of  the  amount  of 
money  means  lower  prices:  J,  S.  Mill,  Principles  of  Political 

Economy,  II.,  Bk.  III.,  Chap,  viii.,  1-36.  {p)  It  would 

injure  the  debtor  class. — (i)  They  would  have  to  pay  in  an 
appreciated  currency  :  S.  M.  Mac  Vane,  Political  Economy,  p. 

123.  {f)  It  would  injure  the  farmers. — (i)  Many  of  them 

are  in  debt. — (2)  Price  of  their  commodities  lowered :  The 

Silver  Situation  in  the  United  States,  pp.  11 2-1 15.  

It  would  place  dangerous  power  in  hands  of  money  syndicates 
to  influence  the  market,  prices,  etc.  {e)  Need  of  more  cur- 
rency would  lead  to  wild  schemes  for  paper  currency.  (/) 

Adoption  of  gold  standard  injured  Germany :  Hugh  McCul- 
loch,  Addresses,  Speeches,  and  Letters,  pp.  245-259. 

II.  The  use  of  silver  as  money  is  most  desirable.  {a)  Sil- 
ver and  gold  are  the  only  suitable  money  metals  :  J.  S.  Mill, 
Principles  of  Political  Economy,  II.,  Bk.  III.,   Chap.  viii. 

 {F)  Gold  is  insufficient:  See  above  I.  {a),  i  (x).  

{c)  Silver  in  relation  to  other  commodities  is  a  more  stable 
standard  than  gold  :  Journal  of  Social  Science,  XXXII.,  27  ; 

Congressional  Record,  1893,  Appendix,  pp.  158-159.  (^) 

Silver  and  gold  together  are  a  non-fluctuating  standard :  Hugh 

McCuUoch,  Addresses,  Speeches,  and  Letters,  p.  21.  {/) 

Silver  will  eventually  become  the  standard  money  metal  of  the 
world. —  (i)  Exhaustion  of  the  gold-mines. —  (2)  Increased 
use  of  gold  in  the  arts:   The  Future  of  Silver,  pp.  100-10 1. 

 (/)  Present  suspicion  of  silver  unjustifiable. — (i)  Silver 

has  not  depreciated,  but  gold  has  appreciated. — (2)  There  is 
no  danger  of  a  flood  of  silver:  The  Future  of  Silver,  p.  51 ; 
Forum,  XV.,  67  (March,  1893). 

III.  The  United  States  alone  could  safely  coin  silver  at  a 
proper  ratio:  A.  P.  ^tdkts,  Joijit- Metal lism  ;  W.  C.  Gates  in 
Congressional  Record,  1893,  Appendix,  pp.  152-155.  {a) 


THE  TAX  ON  STATE  BANK-NOTES.  93 


The  proper  ratio  would  be  that  which  would  most  nearly  coin- 
cide with  market  ratio.  (^)  This  ratio  is  ascertainable.  

(c)  There  would  be  no  tendency  for  silver  to  drive  out  gold. 
— (i)  A  silver  dollar  would  contain  a  gold  dollar's  worth  of 

silver.  (d)  Our  present  silver  money  could  be  gradually 

recoined  at  a  new  ratio ;  meanwhile  the  government's  fiat 
would  maintain  it  at  parity  with  gold  as  is  now  the  case. 
IV.  Such  coinage  of  silver  by  the  United  States  would  be 

highly  beneficial.  (a)  It  would  prevent  the  evils  of  a  single 

gold  standard.  (/^)  It  would  lead  to  establishing  our  whole 

currency  system  on  a  sound  basis. — (i)  Silver  money  would 
be  honest. — (2)  Greenbacks,  which  drain  the  Treasury  of  gold, 
might  be  withdrawn:  Harper's  Weekly,  XXXVIII.,  1206 
(December  22,  1894). — (3)  Silver  might  replace  the  national 
bank  circulation,  which  is  decreasing  and  must  soon  end  : 

United  States  Statistical  Abstract,  1893,  p.   42.  {c)  It 

would  be  likely  to  lead  to  an  international  bimetallic  agree- 
ment. 


XXXVI. 

THE  TAX  ON  STATE  BANK-NOTES. 

Question  :  '  Resolved,  That  the  government  tax  on  state 
bank-notes  should  be  repealed.' 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  references  :  M.  D.  Harter  in  Fonim,  XII.,  186 
(October,  1891)  ;  C.  F.  Dunbar  in  Quarterly  Jourjial  of  Eco- 
nomics, VII.,  55  (October,  1892);  Conwiercial  and Finajicial 
Chronicle,  LVIIL,  618  (April  14,  1894);  LIV.,  781  (May 
14,  1892),  868  (May  28,  1892)  ;  Nation,  LV.,  193  (Septem- 
ber 15,  1892);  Congressional  Record,  1 893-1 894,  pp.  5477- 
5483  (May  29,  1894),  pp.  5604-5608,  5614-5616  (June  i, 


94 


ECONOMICS. 


1894),  pp.  ^666-^668  (June  2,  1894),  Appendix,  pp.  889, 
1033- 

I.  The  conditions  which  brought  about  the  present  tax  no 
longer  exist.  (a)  The  measure  was  a  temporary  war  meas- 
ure to  float  United  States  bonds  :  Report  of  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  1862,  pp.  1-3 1. 

II.  The   present  currency   system  is  bad  and  must  be 

changed  :  C.  F.  Adams,  Chapters  on  Erie,  p.  303.  The 

currency  is  inadequate  in  volume  :  Commercial  and  Financial 
Chronicle,  LIV.,  781,  868. — (i)  Population  and  trade  have 
grown  rapidly. — (2)  There  is  no  inducement  for  national  banks 
to  issue  notes  :  Quarterly  Journal  of  Economics,  I.,  414  (July, 

1887).  (^)  It  is  inelastic. — (i)  There  is  no  provision  for 

expansion  in  financial  crises. — (2)  No  provision  is  made  for 

small  centres  :   Quarterly  Journal  of  Econo7nics,  VII.,  63.  

{c)  It  is  positively  dangerous  to  the  country  :  Chapters  on  Erie, 
p.  303. — (i)  The  proportion  ofgold  to  certificates,  greenbacks, 
and  treasury  notes  is  too  small,  and  is  constantly  growing 
smaller :  F.  W.  Taussig,  The  Silver  Situation  in  the  United 
States,  p.  54. — (2)  Further  increase  of  government  issue  would 

make  matters  worse.  (^)  The  present  system  cannot  last 

beyond  the  year  1907. — (i)  The  public  debt  on  which  the 

-  present  system  is  founded  is  liquidated  in  that  year. 

III.  The  repeal  of  the  tax  by  encouraging  a  state  bank  cur- 
rency would  open  the  way  to  the  best  currency  obtainable.—  

{a)  The  state  bank  currency  would  be  able  to  meet  the  de- 
mand for  increased  currency.  {]))  It  would  be  elastic  : 

Forum,  XIII.,  726  (August,  1892).  {c)  It  would  satisfy 

the  reasonable  demands  of  the  South  and  the  West.  (^) 

It  is  supported  by  important  financial  organs  :  Commercial  and 
Financial  Clwonicle,  LIV.,  781,  868;  LVIIL,  618. 

IV.  The  issues  of  state  banks  could  be  made  safe.  {a) 

Before  the  war  the  majority  of  state  banks  issued  sound  notes : 

Nation,  LV. ,  193.  {!))  The  government  could  accept  for 

taxes  only  notes  sufficiently  secured  :  Forum,  XII.,  186.  


THE  TAX  ON  STATE  BANK-NOTES. 


95 


(c)  Inflation  could  be  prevented  by  a  tax  on  circulation  above 
a  fixed  amount. 

Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references  :  C.  F.  Dunbar  in  Quarterly  Jour- 
nal of  Economics^  VII.,  55  (October,  1892)  ;  Lalor' s  Cyclo- 
pcedia,  I.,  204-222;  F.  A.  Walker,  Money,  p.  479;  United 
States  Finance  Report,  1875,  pp.  201-207;  1876,  pp.  147- 
152;  1878,  pp.  144-168;  Report  of  Comptroller  of  Cur- 
rency, 1888,  I.,  p.  90;  1889,  I.,  pp.  9-19;  Report  of 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  1892,  pp.  309,  320;  W.  L. 
Royall,  Andrew  Jackson  and  the  United  States  Bank,  p.  34 ; 
H.  W.  Richardson,  National  Banks  (Harper's  Half- Hour  Se- 
ries) ;  President  Harrison,  Letter  of  Acceptance,  in  leading 
daily  papers  of  September  5,  1892  ;  Congressional  Record, 
1893-1894,  pp.  5337-5354  (May  26,  1894),  pp.  5483-5492 
(May  29,  1894),  pp.  5595-5604  (May  31,  1894),  Appendix, 
pp.  1030,  1231. 

I.  No  change  in  the  currency  system  is  necessary.  (^) 

The  present  national  banking  system  is  the  best  possible. — (i) 
It  is  uniform:  J.  J.  Knox  in  Forum,  XII.,  772  (February, 
1892). — (2)  History  shows  it  to  be  absolutely  safe  :  Chautau- 
quan,  XVI.,  32  (October,  1892);  North  American  Review, 
Vol.  154,  p.  150  (February,  1892)  ;  United  States  Fi7ia7ice  Re- 
port, 1875,  p.  201;  National  Banks,  p.  86;  Lalo^^' s  Cyclo- 

pcedia,  I.,  217.  (^)  Ampler  currency  will  not  help  the 

South  and  West:  Quarterly  Journal  of  Economics,  VII.,  55. 

 {c)  The  currency  can  be  indefinitely  extended  when  it 

becomes  necessary. 

II.  The  repeal  of  the  tax  would  revive  the  evils  of  the  old 
state  bank  system  of  currency:  Lalor' s  Cyclopcsdia,  I.,  211  ; 
Money,  ^.  479  ;  Co?tgressional  Record,  188 3- 1884,  p.  1086 

(February  13,  1884).  (^z)  Securities  would  be  insufficient 

and  unequal. — (i)  On  account  of  the  diversity  of  laws  in  the 


96 


ECONOMICS. 


States. — (2)  Shown  by  the  present  defective  banking  laws  of 

many  states :   United  States  Finance  Report^  1^75?  P-  202.  

{h)  The  people  cannot  be  trusted  to  avoid  wild-cat  schemes. 
— (i)  Shown  by  the  free-coinage  craze. — (2)  The  silver  craze. 

 {c)  Repeal  would  tend  to  drive  coin  from  circulation  : 

Andrew  Jackson  and  the  United  States  Bank,  pp.  55-57,  64. 

 (^)  Discount  and  exchange  would  be  costly. — (i)  Notes 

would  be  redeemable  only  where  issued:  Forum,  ^11,,  186 

(October,  1891).  {e)  There  would  always  be  a  tendency 

to  increase  the  issue:  Money,  p.  487. 


TARIFF. 

XXXVII. 

PROTECTION  AND  FREE  TRADE. 

Question  :  '  Resolved,  That  the  time  has  now  come  when 
the  policy  of  protection  should  be  abandoned  by  the  United 
States.' 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  references  :  Frederic  Bastiat,  Sophisms  of  the 
Protectionists;  W.  M.  Grosvenor,  Does  Protection  Protect  ? ; 
Henry  George,  Protection  or  Free  Trade;  J.  S.  Mill, 
Principles  of  Political  Economy,  II.,  Bk.  V.,  Chap,  x.,  §  i  ; 
article  on  Protection  in  Tariff  Reform  Series,  IV.,  No.  12, 
p.  2  (September  30,  1891)  ;  Lalor's  Cyclopcedia,  II.,  289; 
Nation,  XXVIII.,  161  (March  6,  1879);  XXIX.,  338  (No- 
vember 20,  1879)  ;  XXXIV.,  288  (April  6,  1882)  ;  LXXVL, 
118  (February  8,  1883);  J.  G.  Carlisle  in  Congressional 
Record,  1891-1892,  p.  6910  (July  29,  1892)  ;  D.  A.  Wells  in 
Forum,  XIV.,  697  (February,  1893)  ;  F.  A.  Walker  in  Quar- 
terly Journal  of  Economics,  IV.,  245  (April,  1890);  Edward 


PROTECTION  AND  FREE  TRADE. 


97 


Atkinson  in  Popular  Science  Monthly ,  XXXVIL,  433  (August, 
1890)  ;  Senator  Vest  in  North  American  Review^  Vol.  155, 
p.  401  (October,  1892);  Harper's  Weekly^  XXXVIII.,  819 
(September  i,  1894). 

I.  Protection  is  unsound  in  theory :  J.  S.  Mill,  Princi- 
ples of  Political  Economy,  II.,  532.  {a)  It  shuts  out  what 

is  ours  by  nature  :  Sophisms  of  the  Protectionists,  pp.  73-80. 
 (J))  It  raises  unnatural  obstacles  to  intercourse  :  Soph- 
isms of  the  Protectionists,  pp.   84-85.  {c)  It  can  only 

raise  prices  by  diminishing  tl;ie  quantity  of  goods  for  sale  : 

Sophisms  of  the  Protectionists,  pp.  7,  17.  (^)  It  endangers 

the  interests  it  aims  to  promote  :  Nation,  XXXVI.,  118.  

{e)  It  may  transfer  but  not  increase  capital :  Sophisms  of  the 

Protectionists,  p.  93.  (/)  The  doctrine  of  protection 

for  revenue  is  inconsistent :  J.  S.  Mill,  Principles  of  Politi- 
cal Econorny,  II.,  538.  (^)  It  is  anti -social :  Sophisms  of 

the  Protectionists,  pp.  15,  127;  Natioft,  XXXVI.,  118; 
XXXVIII. ,  161. 

II.  Protection  is  unsound  in  general  practice.  (^)  It 

makes  capital  and  labor  less  efficient :  J.  S.  Mill,  Principles 

of  Political  Economy,  II.,  532,  539.  (^)  It  hurts  our 

carr y i  ng  trade  :    Nation,  XXXV I . ,  118.  {c)  It  closes 

against  us  many  of  the  world's  best  markets :  J.  S.  Mill, 
Principles  of  Political  Economy y  II.,  537  j  Nation,  XXVIII., 
161  ;  XXXVI.,  118. 

III.  Protection  is  not  beneficial  to  any  class.  {a) 

It  raises  prices  to  consumers :  Popular  Science  Monthly, 
XXXVIL,  433.  (^)  It  does  not  raise  the  wages  of  labor- 
ers :    Congressional  Record,    1891-1892,  pp.    691 0-69 1 7  ; 

Popular  Science  Monthly,  XXXVIL,  433.  {c)  It  hurts 

farmers:    Nineteenth    Century,    XXXII. ,   733  (November, 

1892).  (^)  It  hurts  the  community  by  shutting  off  foreign 

markets:  North  American  Review,  Yo\.  155,  p.  401.  (<f) 

It  increases  the  cost  of  materials.  (/)  It  does  not  help  us 

against  pauper  labor:  Popular  Science  Monthly,  XXXVIL, 

7 


98 


ECONOMICS. 


433.  (g)  It  does  not  benefit  the  majority :  Nation,  LV., 

299  (October  20,  1892).  (Ji)  Infant  industries  are  not  per- 
manently aided  :   Quarterly  Journal  of  Economics,  IV.,  245. 

IV.  Protection  tends  to  run  to  extremes.  {a)  It  per- 
verts taxation  from  its  proper  uses :  Forum,  XIV. ,  5 1  (Sep- 
tember,  1892).  (F)  It  creates   dangerous  precedents: 

Ibid,  (r)  Industries  seek  permanent  protection  :  Nation, 

LV.,  252  (October  6,  1892).  (d)  It  creates  monopolies. 

Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references  :  S.  N.  Patten,  The  Economic  Basis 
of  Protection ;  H.  M.  Hoyt,  Protection  versus  FreeTrade  ;  Con- 
gressional Record,  1889-1890,  p.  4248  (May  7,  1890);  1891- 
1892,  p.  6746  (July  26,  1892);  J.  G.  Blaine  in  North 
American  Review,  No\.  150,  p.  27  (January,  1890);  William 
McKinley  in  North  American  Review,  Vol.  150,  p.  740  (June, 
1890)  ;  R.  E.  Thompson,  Social  Science  and  National  Econ- 
omy, pp.  243-278  ;  Lalor's  Cyclopcedia,  III.,  413  ;  Van  Buren 
Denslow,  Principles  of  Economic  Philosophy,  Chaps,  xiii., 
xiv.,  XV.,  xvi. 

I.  The  policy  of  protection  is  sound  in  principle.  {a)  It 

enables  a  country  to  fix  the  terms  of  exchange  in  foreign  trade. 
— (i)  Foreign  demand  for  our  commodities  is  necessarily 
great. — (2)  Protection  lessens  our  demand  for  foreign  com- 
modities. {U)  Protection  is  the  best  means  of  increasing 

the  consumer's  rent. 

II.  The  policy  of  protection  has  proved  beneficial  in  prac- 
tice. {a)  Without  it  no  country  has  secured  asymmetrical 

development  of  its  industries  :  Social  Science  and  National 

Economy,  p.  267.  (J?)  Every  period  of  protection  in  the 

United  States  has  been  followed  by  great  material  pros- 
perity. 

III.  Protection  secures  a  home  market  for  commodities  in- 
capable of  transportation  abroad  :  E.  E.  Hale,  Tom  Torref  s 


THE  TARIFF  AND  WAGES.  99 

Tariff  Talks.  {a)  It  enhances  values,  especially  the  value 

of  land  :  J.  R.  Dodge,  How  Protection  Protects  the  Farmer, 

IV.  A  protective  tariff  does  not  raise  prices.  {a)  The 

establishment  of  a  new  industry  has  invariably  been  followed 
by  lower  prices  :  Congressional  Record,  1889-1890,  p.  4248. — 
(i)  Steel  rails. — (2)  Glass  and  earthen  ware. — (3)  Wool. — 
(4)  Tin-plate. 

XXXVIII. 

THE  TARIFF  AND  WAGES. 

Question  :  *  Resolved,  That  a  high  protective  tariff  raises 
wages.  * 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  references  :  S.  N.  Patten,  The  Economic  Basis 
of  Protection,  pp.  54-80;  Lee  Meriwether,  ^  How  Working- 
men  Live  in  Europe  and  America,*  in  Harper' s  Magazine, 
LXXIV.,  780  (April,  1887);  R.  P.  Porter,  Bread  Win?iers 
-^^r^^^  (People's  Library),  Chaps,  xvi.,  xxviii.,  xlix.,  li.,  liii., 
Ivi.,  Ixvi.,  Ixvii.,  Ixxxiv.,  civ.  ;  Van  Buren  Denslow,  Pri^ici- 
ples  of  Economic  Philosophy,  pp.  623-627. 

I.  A  high  protective  tariff  raises  wages  theoretically.  {a) 

It  causes  more  employers  to  compete  for  the  hire  of  labor. — (i) 
By  increasing  the  number  of  occupations  and  enterprises  that 
can  be  carried  on  :  R.  E.  Thompson,  Social  Science  and  Na- 
tional Economy,  p.  248  ;  Principles  of  Eco7iomic  Philosophy, 
pp.  623-624.  {F)  It  increases  the  amount  of  money  availa- 
ble for  the  compensation  of  labor. — (i)  By  increasing  the 
profits  of  manufacturers :  Prificiples  of  Economic  Philoso- 
phy, pp.  626-627.  (0      enables  laborers  to  share  in  the 

natural  resources  of  the  country. — (i)  By  preventing  compe- 
tition with  cheap  foreign  labor  :  The  Economic  Basis  of  Pro- 
tection, pp.  64-70. 


100 


ECONOMICS. 


II.  A  high  protective  tariff  raises  wages  practically.  (a) 

In  the  United  States,  which  furnishes  the  best  example  of  a 
protective  tariff,  money  wages  are  higher  than  in  Europe. — 
(i)  This  is  shown  by  the  opinions  of  writers  :  Principles  of 
Economic  Philosophy^  p.  527;  Bread  Winners  Abroad ;  Con-  1 
siilar  Reports  of  the  United  States,  No.  40,  p.  304  (April,  1884). 
— (2)  It  is  shown  by  the  opinions  of  manufacturers:  John 
Roach  in  International  Review,  XIII.,  455  (November, 
1882);  J.  M.  Swank,  Our  Bessemer  Steel  Industry,  p.  23; 
letters  from  the  National  Association  of  Wool  Manufacturers 
and  the  Titus  Sheard  Co.  in  Congressional  Record,  1891-1892, 

p.  6751  (July  26,  1892).  {b')  Wages  have  risen  in  other 

countries  under  a  protective  system.  —  (i)  In  Germany: 
Principles  of  Economic  Philosophy,  pp.  523-524;  Consular 
Reports  of  the  United  States,  No.  42,  pp.  12,  13,  15  (June, 
1884). — (2)  In  Canada:  Principles  of  Economic  Philosophy, 

pp.   (<r)  Real  wages  are  higher  in  the  United 

States  than  in  Europe. — (i)  An  American  workman  can  save 
more  than  a  European  :  Consular  Reports  of  the  United  States, 
No.  40,  p.  304. — (2)  His  standard  of  living  is  higher:  Har- 
per's Magazine,  LXXIV.,  780. 

Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references:  F.  W.  Taussig  in  Forum,  VI.,  167 
(October,  1888)  ;  W.  G.  Sumner  in  North  American  Re- 
view,\o\.  136,  p.  270  (March,  1883);  J.  Schoenhof,  The 
Economy  of  High  Wages,  pp.  175-193;  J.  Schoenhof,  Wages 
and  Trade  ;  ^  Labor,  Wages,  and  Tariff/  Tariff  Reform  Series, 
II.,  No.  21  (January  15,  1890);  ^  Labor  and  the  Tariff,' 
Tariff  Reform  Series,  I.,  No.  12,  p.  2  (October  10,  1888). 

I.  Arguments  based  on  comparisons  of  wages  in  different 

countries  are  untrustworthy.  {a)  Such  comparisons  prove 

too  much  :  D.  A.  Wells,  Practical  Economics,  p.  137.  ■ 

{b^  There  is  no  uniform  rate  in  any  country.  (r)  There 


THE  TARIFF  AND  WAGES. 


I.OI 


are  many  local  causes  which  must  necessarily  make  wages 
higher  in  one  country  than  in  another. — (i)  Natural  advan- 
tages: D.  A.  Wells,  The  Relation  of  the  Tariff  to  Wages,  p.  2. 
— (2)  Standing  army  service:  Ibid. — (3)  The  question  of  un- 
occupied land:  North  American  Review,  Vol.  136,  p.  270. 

II.  Careful  use  of  statistics  shows  that  wages  are  relatively 

higher  under  a  low  tariff.  {a)  The  high  rate  of  wages  in 

the  United  States  is  determined  by  unprotected  industries. — 
(i)  There  are  more  laborers  connected  with  unprotected  than 
with  protected  industries :  J.  L.  Laughlin's  edition  of  J.  S. 

Mill,  Principles  of  Political  Econo?ny,  p.  619.  (Ji)  Wages 

in  certain  protected  industries  in  the  United  States  are  lower 

than  wages  in  the  same  industries  in  England.  {c)  In 

protected  industries  in  which  wages  are  higher  than  abroad, 
they  were  higher  before  the  existence  of  a  protective  tariff : 

Nation,  XLVIL,  327  (October   25,  1888).  {d)  New 

South  Wales  is  more  prosperous  than  Victoria  :  Fortnightly 
Review,  XXXVIL,  369  (March,  1882). 

in.  A  protective  tariff  lowers  wages  by  diminishing  the 

amount  of  capital  to  be  distributed  for  wages.  (a)  The 

general  productiveness  of  industry  is  less  :  Practical  Economics, 
p.  135. — (i)  The  effect  of  limiting  the  sale  of  commodities  to 

a  domestic  market  is  evil :  Practical  Economics,  p.  139.  {p) 

The  proportion  in  which  that  produced  is  divided  is  less 
favorable  to  labor. — (i)  The  producer  requires  the  same 
ratio  of  profit,  while  the  number  of  laborers  among  whom  the 
smaller  wage-fund  is  divided  is  as  large  as  before  :  North 
American  Review,  Vol.  136,  p.  270. 

IV.   Real  wages  are  less.  {a)  The  tariff  increases  the 

price  of  commodities  and  puts  them  out  of  the  reach  of  the 
poorer  classes  :  North  American  Review,  Vol.  136,  p.  270. 


102 


ECONOMICS. 


XXXIX. 

RECIPROCITY  WITH  CANADA. 

Question  :  *  Resolved,  That  it  would  be  to  the  advantage 
of  the  United  States  to  estabhsh  complete  commercial  reci- 
procity between  the  United  States  and  Canada.* 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  references  :  Goldwin  Smith,  Canada  and  the 
Canadiaft  Question,  pp.  281-301  ;  Handbook  of  Comfnercial 
Union  (Toronto,  1888)  ;  Century,  XVI.,  236  (June,  1889)  ; 
Formn,  VI.,  241  (November,  1888)  ;  VII.,  361  (June,  1889)  ; 
JVew  Englander,  LIIL,  i  (July,  1890)  ;  North  American  Re- 
view, Vol.  148,  p.  54  (January,  1889);  Vol.  151,  p.  212 
(August,  1890);  Vol.  139,  p.  42  (July,  1884);  Harper's 
Magazine,  LXXVIIL,  520  (March,  1889). 

I.  Greater  freedom  of  trade  between  the  United  States  and 

Canada  is  desirable.  {a)  It  would  furnish  the  United 

States  with  much  needed  raw  materials  :  Century,  XVI.,  236. 
— (i)  Coal,  iron,  and  other  mineral  products  are  extensive 
and  easily  accessible  to  the  northern  and  middle  states : 
Handbook  of  Commercial  Union,  pp.  72—85  ;  North  Ameri- 
can Review,  Vol.   139,  p.  42. — (2)  Agricultural  products. 

 (J?)  It  would  open  to  us  a  large  and  convenient  market 

for  our  manufactures  :  Handbook  of  Commercial  Union,  p. 

249.  {c)  Closer  commercial  relations  would  remove  much 

of  the  present  ill  feeling,  and  international  disputes  would  be 
avoided. 

II.  Reciprocity  would  be  advantageous  economically.  

{a)  It  would  open  up  a  great  field  for  the  investment  of  Amer- 
ican capital  :  Handbook  of  Commercial  Union,  p.  247.  

{p)  It  would  do  away  with  the  enormous  expense  of  maintain- 


RECIPROCITY  WITH  CANADA. 


103 


ing  an  unnatural  customs  line  four  thousand  miles  long.  (<;) 

By  the  settlement  of  the  fishery  question  it  would  give  our 
fishermen  valuable  privileges. 

III.  Reciprocity  is  practical  :    Handbook  of  Commercial 

Union,  p.  in.  {a)  Great  Britain  would  not  raise  serious 

objections:  Handbook  of  Com?7terdal  Union,  p.  10 1. — (i) 
English  investments  in  Canada  would  be  benefited  by  com- 
mercial prosperity. — (2)  Greater  commercial  activity  would 
establish  confederation  on  a  firm  basis  and  give  assurance  that 

Canada  would  remain  a  part  of  the  British  domain.  (^) 

The  loyalty  of  Canadians  would  not  be  affected. — (i)  The 

common  tariff  would  not  discriminate  against  England.  

(c)  A  common  tariff  could  be  agreed  upon. — (i)  The  present 
policy  of  the  United  States  is  toward  a  reduction  of  tariffs, 
while  that  of  Canada  is  toward  an  increase. — (2)  Canada 
would  be  willing  to  make  concessions,  such  as  the  adjustment 

of  internal  revenue.  (d)  The  reciprocity  treaty  of  1854 

was  a  commercial  success. — (i)  Trade  rose  from  seven  millions 
to  twenty:  Encyclopaedia  Britannica,  IV.,  766. — (2)  The 
abrogation  of  the  treaty  was  due  to  national  animosity  caused 
by  acts  of  the  English  during  the  civil  war. 

Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references  :  James  Douglas,  Canadian  Inde- 
pendence, Annexation,  and  British  Bnperial  Federation; 
Forum,  VL,  451  (January,  1889)  ;  J.  N.  Larned,  Report  to 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  on  the  State  of  Trade  Between 
the  United  States  and  British  Possessions  in  North  America, 
January  28,  187 1  ;  Penn  Moitthly,  V.,  529  (July,  1874)  ;  Coji- 
gressional  Globe,  1 864-1 865,  pp.  229-233  (January  12,  1865). 

1.  Complete  commercial  reciprocity  is  impracticable.  

(a)  The  commercial  policies  of  Great  Britain  and  the  United 

States  are  conflicting.  (/?)   A  common    tariff  could  not 

be  decided  upon  without  detriment  to  one  country.  (c) 


I04 


ECONOMICS. 


Internal  revenue  stands  in  the  way. — (i)  Excise  taxes  and 
internal  revenue  would  have  to  be  made  equal ;  but  excise  is 
necessary  to  Canada,  while  it  is  not  unlikely  that  we  shall  do 
away  with  our  internal  revenue  :  Forum,  VI.,  451. 

II.  Complete  reciprocity  would  be  contrary  to  good  public 

policy.  (^)  It  would  result  in  loss  of  revenue.  {U)  In 

case  of  war  with  Great  Britain  the  frontier  would  be  in  a  bad 
condition,  and  our  whole  tariff  system  would  be  torn  asunder. 

III.  Complete  reciprocity  would  be  economically  disastrous. 
 {a)  American  and  Canadian  products  are  not  supplement- 
ary, but  competitory.  {b)  Cheaper  wages  and  cheaper  raw 

material  would  be  an  inducement  for  our  capital  to  move 
to  Canada,  and  would  also  lower  wages  in  the  United  States. 

 {c)  We  should  lose  much  through  emigration  to  Canada. 

 (^)  It  would  give  Canada  the  benefit  of  the  market 

which  we  have  built  up  for  ourselves  by  protection :  Penn 
Monthly,  V.,  531. 

IV.  Historically,  reciprocity  with  Canada  has  proved  in- 
jurious. {a)  The  United  States  tried  commercial  reciproc- 
ity with  Canada  in  1854,  but  abrogated  the  treaty  in  1866. 


XL. 

FREE  SHIPS. 

Question  :  '  Resolved,  That  foreign-built  ships  should  be 
admitted  to  American  registry  free  of  duty.' 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  references  :  D.  A.  Wells,  The  Decay  of  Our 
Ocean  Mercantile  Marine  ;  John  Codman,  Free  Ships  ;  J.  D.  J. 
Kelly,  The  Question  of  Ships  ;  North  Ajnerican  Review,  Vol. 
142,  p.  478  (May,  1886);  House  Reports,  1889-1890,  No. 
1 2 10,  Minority  Report;   1882-1883,  No.  1827,  Views  of 


FREE  SHIPS.  105 

the  Minority;  1891-1892,  No.  966;  1887-1888,  No.  1874; 
Congressional  Record,  1890-1891,  p.  1044  (January  8,  1891)  ; 
Congressional  Globe,  1871-1872,  Part  3,  p.  2241  (April  6, 
1872). 

I.  A  change  in    our  navigation   laws  is  necessary.  

(a)  Under  their  restrictions  American  shipping  has  suf- 
fered.— (i)  Through  heavy  duties  on  ships.  {U)  Though 

heavily  protected,  the  ship-building  industry  has  not  thrived. 

— (i)  The  cost  of  labor  is  too  great.  {c)  American  capital 

has  been  forced  abroad. — — (^/)  The  present  provision  for  the 

limited  admission  of  foreign  ships  is  inadequate.  {e)  The 

development  of  inventive  genius  is  prevented. 

II.  Free  ships  furnish  the  only  practicable  remedy :  The 

Question  of  Ships,  Chap.  v.  {a)  They  enable  Americans 

to  compete  on  equal  terms  for  world's  commerce. — (i)  Ships 

can  be  bought  at  the  lowest  price.  (J?)  Carrying  trade 

should  not  be  sacrificed  to  ship-building. — (i)  It  employs 

fifty  times  as  many  men  :  The  Question  of  Ships,  p.  31.  

if)  American  ship-building  would  not  be  seriously  affected. — 

(i)  Only  iron  ships  are  concerned.  (^)  The  success  of  the 

plan  is  well  illustrated  by  Germany's  policy. 

III.  Subsidizing  schemes  are  impracticable  and  inefficient : 

The  Question  of  Ships,  Chap.  iv.  {a)  Subsidies  large  enough 

to  be  efficient  would  be  too  great  a  tax  on  the  people. — (i) 
The  cost  of  building  ships  is  one-third  greater  than  in  Eng- 
land :  John  Codman,  Free  Ships.  (f?)  They  must  be  per- 
manent. {c)  They  have  already  been  unsuccessfully  tried 

in  the  United  States.  {d')  They  have  failed  in  France. — 

(i)  Ship-building  has  not  been  built  up  in  ten  years'  trial. 

 {e)  England's  supremacy  is  not  due  to  subsidizing  :  The 

Decay  of  Our  Ocean  Mercantile  Marine,  pp.  29-45. — (i)  No 
payments  are  made  to  saiHng  vessels. — (2)  Compensation  is 
given  only  for  carrying  mails,  and  for  building  according  to 
admiralty  requirements. 


ic6 


ECONOMICS. 


Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references:  W.  W.  Bates,  American  Marine; 
C.  S.  Hill,  History  of  Am  eric  an  Shipping;  H.  Hall,  Amer- 
ican Navigation;  North  American  Review^  Vol.  148,  p. 
687  (June,  1889);  Vol.  154,  p.  76  (January,  1892)  ;  Vol. 
158,  p.  433  (April,  1894);  House  Reports,  1891-1892,  No. 
966,  Views  of  the  Minority;  1887-1888,  No.  1874,  Views  of 
the  Minority,  p.  10;  1882-1883,  No.  1827;  1869-1870, 
No.  28;  Nelson  Dingley,  Jr.,  in  Congressional  Record^  1890- 
1891,  p.  997  (January  7,  1891). 

I.  The  lack  of  free  registry  w^as  not  responsible  for  the  de- 
cline in  American  shipping.  (a)  Under  the  present  laws  our 

merchant  marine  reached  its  height.  {U)  The  decline  was 

due  to  other  causes. — (i)  To  the  destruction  of  commerce  by 
English-built  cruisers:  American  Marine,  Chap.  ix. — (2)  To 
the  commercial  depression  following  war. — (3)  To  mechanical 
changes. — (x)  From  wood  to  iron. — (y)  From  sail  to  steam. 

II.  Free  registry  offers  no  material  advantages.  {a) 

American  capital  now  invests  in  foreign-built  ships. — (i) 

^Whitewashed'  sales:  A77ierican  Navigation,  p.  75.  (J?) 

The  advantage  of  flying  American  flag  would  be  subject  to 
abuse. 

III.  Free  registry  involves  grave  evils.  {a)  Economic. 

— (i)  It  would  annihilate  ship-building  in  the  United  States. 
— (2)  It  would  withdraw  millions  of  capital  from  the  country. 

 {h)  National. — (i)  It  would  cripple  us  in  time  of  war. — 

(x)  We  should  have  no  trained  workmen. — (y)  We  should 
have  no  shipyards  to  build  in  an  emergency. 

IV.  There  are  better  alternatives  than  free  registry.  {a) 

The  removal  of  duties  on  materials.  (b)  Sufficient  mail 

subsidies  to  American-built  ships  :  American  Navigation,  p. 

77.  {c)  A  change  in  taxation  from  the  principal  invested 

in  ships  to  net  profits. 


SHIPPING  SUBSIDIES. 


107 


XLI. 

SHIPPING  SUBSIDIES. 

Question  :  '  Resolved,  That  the  United  States  should  estab- 
lish a  system  of  shipping  subsidies. ' 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  references  :  W.  W.  Bates,  American  Marine  ; 
House  Reports,  1889-1890,  No.  1210;  C.  S.  Hill,  His- 
tory of  American  Shipping;  House  Reports,  188 8- 1889,  No. 
4162,  Views  of  the  Minority,  p.  5  ;  Congressional  Record, 
1890-1891,  p.  997  (January  7,  1891),  p.  3355  (February  26, 
1 891)  ;  Statement  of  Captain  W.  W.  Bates  in  House  Reports, 
1889-1890,  No.  1210,  p.  220;  Overland  Monthly^  I.,  462 
(May,  1883)  ;  H.  Hall,  American  Navigation. 

I.  The  merchant  marine  of  the  United  States  is  at  present 
in  a  deplorable  condition  and  ought  to  be  built  up  :  House 

Reports,  1889-1890,  No.  12 10,  pp.  i-vi.  {a)  A  national 

marine  is  of  the  greatest  importance  to  the  wealth  and  the 
commercial  prosperity  of  a  nation  :  Lalor' s  Cyclopcedia,  II., 
987  ;  J.  D.  J.  Kelly,  The  Question  of  Ships,  p.  108. — (i)  It 
is  essential  to  naval  power. — (2)  To  the  development  of  re- 
sources.— (3)  To  national  unity  and  individualism.  (^) 

The  United  States  has  the  necessary  qualifications  for  the  ; 
marine  industry  :  The  Question  of  Ships,  Chap.  i.  ;  American 
Navigation,  Chap.  ii. — (i)  In  1856  the  United  States  mer- 
chant marine  was  the  most  extensive  in  the  world. — (2)  Our 
extensive  sea-coast  naturally  fosters  a  maritime  spirit. — (3)  We 
have  abundant  natural  resources. — (4)  Extensive  commerce. 

- — (5)  Great  ship-building  interests. 

II.  The  subsidy  system  is  a  desirable  means  of  building  up 
the  marine.  {a)  It  is  preferable  to  the  policy  of  free  ships. 


io8 


ECONOMICS. 


— (i)  Such  a  policy  would  destroy  our  ship-building  in- 
dustry :  American  Navigation,  Chap.   vii.  {U)  Subsidies 

given  to  vessels  for  mail  service  would  greatly  encourage  com- 
merce.— (i)  By  insuring  regular  service:  American  Naviga- 
tion, p.  77  ;  Congressional  Record,  1 885-1 886,  p.  4009  (April 
30,  1886).  {/)  Vessels  subsidized  could  be  put  under  con- 
tract to  serve  the  United  States  in  case  of  war :  American 

Navigation,  pp.  Z^f-^^^-  {d)  It  is  an  economical  system. — 

(i)  The  total  payments  would  not  exceed  ^5,000,000  per  an- 
num.— (2)  The  earnings  of  the  foreign  mail  service,  which 
amount  to  g  10,000,000  per  annum,  could  fittingly  be  used  for 
subsidies  :  Congressional  Record,  1 889-1 890,  p.  6996  (July  7, 
1890). 

III.  Subsidies  are  necessary.  {a)  The  cost  of  American 

ships  and  their  running  expenses  are  greater  than  those  of  for- 
eign vessels.  {U)  The  high  subsidies  given  to  foreign  lines 

make  it  impossible  for  American  lines  to  compete  without  like 
subsidies. 

IV.  Subsidies  have  proved  successful  in  practice  :  American 

Marine,  pp.  325-327.  {a)  We  have  tried  such  a  system  and 

found  it  effective  :  W.  S.  Lindsay,  Merchant  Shipping,  IV., 

194-228.  (^)  Nearly  all  foreign  nations  maintain  shipping 

subsidies:  Congressional  Record,  1890-1891,  pp.  3359-3362 

(February  26,  189 1).  (<r)  They  have  been  successful  in 

France:  House  Reports,  1889-1890,  No.  1210,  pp.  ix-xv. 

 (^)  Great  Britain,  the  foremost  maritime  country,  has 

steadily  adhered  to  a  system  of  bounties  :  Congressional  Rec- 
ord, 1890-1891,  pp.  1001-1003  (January  7,  1891). 

Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references:  House  Reports,  1 889-1 890,  No. 
1 2 10,  Minority  Report,  p.  xxxix.  ;  D.  A.  Wells,  Our  Mer- 
chant Marine;  D.  A.  Wells,  The  Decay  of  Our  Ocean 
Mercantile  Ma?^ine ;  John  Codman,  Free  Ships ;  John  Cod- 
man,  Shipping  Subsidies  and  Bounties  ;  Congressional  Record, 


SHIPPING  SUBSIDIES. 


109 


1890-1891,  pp.  3348,  3368,  3383  (February  26,  1891); 
1889-1890,  p.  6959  (July  3,  1890)  ;  House  Reports,  1888- 
1889,  No.  4162  j  J.  D.  J.  Kelly,  l^he  Question  of  Ships, 

I.  Subsidies   are  politically  objectionable.  {a)  They 

have  proved  aod  always  will  prove  inducements  to  corrupt 

legislation.  (Ji)  They  create  and  foster  a  privileged  class  at 

the  expense  of  the  whole  people  :  Our  Merchant  Marine ,  p. 

141  ;  Free  Ships,  p.  15.  {c)  The  practice  would  establish 

a  bad  precedent:  House  Reports,  1889-1890,  No.  12 10,  pp. 
xL,  xlii. 

II.  Subsidies  are  economically  objectionable  :  Congressional 
Record,  i8go-iSgi,i[).  3352.  (a)  They  are  merely  tempo- 
rizing measures  :  The  Decay  of  Our  Ocean  Mercantile  Marine, 
p.  25.  {U)  They  would  be  a  tremendous  cost :  House  Re- 
ports, 1888-1889,  No.  4162,  p.  4.  if)  They  would  not 

contribute  to  the  general  prosperity  of  the  country  :  House  Re- 
ports, 1888-1889,  No.  4162,  pp.  2-3. — (i)  They  would  not 
benefit  commerce. — (x)  Foreign  vessels  now  carry  as  cheaply 
as  it  can  be  done. — (2)  They  would  benefit  one  industry  at 
the  expense  of  others. — (3)  As  profit  would  come  wholly 
from  subsidies,  shippers  would  become  uneconomical  and  the 
advantages  of  competition  would  be  lost. 

III.  There  is  no  truth  in  the  statement  that  shipping  sub- 
sidies have  built  up  merchant  marines.  {a)  Great  Britain 

does  not  subsidize  her  vessels  :  The  Decay  of  Our  Ocean 
Mercantile  Marine,  p.  29;  House  Reports,  1889-1890,  No. 
1 2 10,  pp.  xlii.,  1. — (i)  British  mail  subsidies  are  for  actual 
service  rendered  as  shown  by  the  exacting  rules  and  penalties 

for  non-performance  of  contracts.  (F)  The  French  system 

has  not  been  successful :  House  Reports,  1888-1889,  No.  4162, 

p.  3;    1889-1890,   No.    1210,  pp.  1-lx.  {c)  Our  own 

experience  has  been  unfavorable. — (i)  The  Collins  line  in 
1847:   Congressional  Record,  1890-1891,  p.  3386. 

IV.  The  best  remedy  for  American  shipping  is  free  ships  : 
Our  Merchant  Marine,  pp.  95-128  ;  North  American  Review y 


no 


ECONOMICS. 


Vol.   142,  pp.  481-484  (May,  1886).  {a)  Free  ships 

would  at  least  allow  Americans  to  compete  on  equal  ternis  for 
the  commerce  of  the  world. 

XLII. 

FREE  SUGAR. 

Question  :  '  Resolved^  That  sugar  should  be  admitted  free 
of  duty/ 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  references  :  '  Sugar  and  the  Tariff,'  Tariff  Re- 
form Series,  III.,  No.  12,  p.  174  (July  30,  1890)  ;  Harper' s 
Weekly,  XXXVIIL,  602  (June  30,  1894),  771  (August  18, 
1894),  819  (September  i,  1894);  Nation,  LIX.,  74  (August 
2,  1894),  112  (August  16,  1894);  Congressional  Record, 
1889-1890,  p.  10,631  (September  27,  1890). 

I.  The  question  of  protection  does  not  enter.  {a)  We 

produce  only  ten  per  cent,  of  the  sugar  we  use  :  Princeton  Re 

view,  VI.,  322  (November,  1880).  {U)  The  established 

industry  can  be  more  economically  protected  by  bounties. 

II.  The  tariff  is  a  burden  on  the  poor.  (d)  The  poor 

man  must  pay  more  in  proportion  to  his  ability  than  the  rich  : 
C.  D.  Wright  \xv  Seventeenth  Annual  Report  of  Massachusetts 
Bureau  of  Statistics  of  Labor,  p.  266  ;  W.  O.  Atwater  in 
American  Public  Health  Association,  XV.,  208. — (i)  Carbo- 
hydrates are  necessary  to  life. — (2)  Sugar  is  the  most  eco- 
nomical carbohydrate. — (3)  The  laboring  man  consumes  the 
greatest  proportion  of  this  constituent :  American  Public 
Health  Association,  XV.,  216. 

III.  The  sugar  tariff  is  a  check  to  the  country's  develop- 
ment. {d)  It  discourages  industries  in  which  sugar  is  a  raw 

material. — (i)  The  preserving  industry. — (2)  The  condensed 


FREE  SUGAR. 


Ill 


milk  industry. — (3)  The  refining  industry.  (Z*)  It  injures 

foreign  commerce. — (i)  With  Brazil  and  Cuba. — (2)  Ger- 
many has  retaliated  for  our  tariff  by  putting  a  tax  on  American 
beef :  Harper's  Weekly,  XXXVIII.,  1058  (November  10, 
1894). 

IV.  Sugar  taxes  are  a  great  source  of  corru})tion.  {a) 

They  enable  importers  to  defraud  the  government  by  manipu- 
lating the  grades  of  sugar.  (^)  They  give  rise  to  political 

corruption  such  as  has  disgraced  the  Senate. — (i)  By  foster- 
ing the  sugar  trust :  Nation,  LVIIL,  440  (June  14,  1894)  ; 
LIX.,  71,  93,  112  ;  Harper' s  Weekly,  XXXVIII.,  602,  771, 
819;  Tariff  Reform  Series,  VII.,  No.  2,  p.  28  (July  i,  1894). 

V.  The  sugar  tax  is  not  necessary  for  revenue.  {a)  If 

the  revenues  fall  short,  the  deficiency  can  be  made  up  better 
by  replacing  the  higher  taxes  on  malt  liquors  and  tobacco. 

Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references:  Congressional  Record,  1 893-1 894, 
Appendix,  p.  1178  (August  13,  1894),  p.  634  (January  23, 
1894)  ;  1889-1890,  Appendix,  p.  437  (May  20,  1890)  ; 
Harper's  Weekly,  XXXVIIL,  218  (March  10,  1894); 
Tariff  Hearings  Before  the  Cominittee  on  Ways  and  Means, 
1893.  PP-  505^  520,  542. 

I.  A  tax  on  sugar  is  a  just  way  of  raising  revenue  :  Con- 
gressional Record,  1893-1894,  Appendix,  p.  1182.  {a)  It 

is  evenly  distributed  :  Ibid. — (i)  It  reaches  consumers  in  pro- 
portion to  their  incomes. — ^(2)  Sugar  is  to  a  great  extent  an 
article  of  voluntary  consumption. 

II.  It  is  a  desirable  way  of  raising  revenue.  {a)  It  is  the 

only  tax  which  furnishes  a  steady,  reliable  revenue,  capable  of 

computation  beforehand.  (^)  It  is  an  easy  tax  to  collect. 

 (<f)  Precedent  has  established  sugar  as  a  fitting  article  for 

taxation:  D.  A.  Wells  in  Princeton  Review,  VI.,  323  (No- 
vember, 1880);    Congressional  Record,  1 893-1 894,  Appen- 


112 


ECONOMICS. 


dix,  pp.  1180-1186. — (i)  It  has  heretofore  furnished  one- 
fourth  of  the  total  revenue  :  D.  A.  Wells,  The  Sugar  Industry 
of  the  United  States  and  the  Tariff,  p.  9. 

III.  The  tax  is  necessary  to  encourage  the  American  sugar 
industry:    Congressional  Record,  1 893-1 894,  Appendix,  p. 

632.  (a)  The  beet  and  sugar  industries  are  difficult  to 

establish. — (i)  They  require  a  large  outlay  of  capital  at  the 
beginning. — (2)  The  return  on  the  investment  is  small. — (3) 
The  industries  are  still  experimental.  {U)  American  pro- 
ducers require  a  special  protective  tax  to  offset  the  large  boun- 
ties which  foreign  countries  pay  to  their  producers. 

IV.  The  objections  to  the  tax  are  unsound.  (a)  The 

sugar-refining  trust  would  remain  even  if  sugar  were  admitted 
free. — (i)  As  nearly  all  of  the  sugar  admitted  to  the  United 
States  is  raw,  it  would  still  have  to  pass  through  the  refineries. 
 {V)  The  frauds  against  the  government,  due  to  the  manip- 
ulation of  grades,  are  not  an  inherent  result  of  the  tax. 

XLIII. 

SUGAR  BOUNTIES. 

Question  :  '  Resolved,  That  a  system  of  sugar  bounties  is 
contrary  to  good  pubhc  policy.' 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  references  :  D.  A.  Wells,  Recent  Economic 
Changes,  pp.  295-309;  Lalor  s  Cyclopcedia,  II.,  99;  Fort- 
nightly Review,  XLII.,  638  (November,  1884)  ;  Nation,  XLV., 
164  (September  i,  1887)  ;  XLII.,  420  (May  20,  1886)  ;  Con- 
gressional Record,  1889-1890,  pp.  10,712-10,716  (September 
30,  1890),  Appendix,  p.  391. 

I.  The  bounty  system   is   unconstitutional.  {a)  It  is 

legislation  in  favor  of  a  class:  Nation,  XLVIL,  24  (July  12, 


SUGAR  BOUNTIES.  113 

1888);  Congressional  Record y  1889-1890,  pp.  10,712-10,716, 
Appendix,  p.  391 ;  Loan  Association  v.  Topeka,  120  Wallace^ 
663-664. 

II.  The  bounty  system  is  burdensome  on  the  people :  Na- 
tion, XLIV.,  484  (June  9,  1887).  {a)  The  people  are 

compelled  to  pay  the  bounty:   Fortnightly  Review,  XLII., 

638.  {b)  They  are  compelled  to  pay  the  highest  cost  of 

production  for  sugar:  Fortnightly  Review,  XLII.,  638.  

{c)  They  are  compelled  to  pay  for  the  expensive  system  of 
administration. 

III.  The  bounty  system  gives  rise  to  fraud.  {a)  It  places 

a  great  amount  of  money  and  patronage  in  the  hands  of  politi- 
cal parties:  Congressional  Record,  1 889-1 890,  Appendix,  p. 

391.  {U)  The  intricate  system  of  bounty  payments  enables 

producers  to  defraud  the  government :  Recent  Economic 
Changes,  pp.  295-298. 

IV.  The  bounty  system  is  injurious  to  commerce.  (^d) 

It  deranges  prices. — (i)  The  producer  is  led  to  disregard  the 
law  of  supply  and  demand:  Fortnightly  Review,  XLII.,  638. 

 (J))  It  makes  foreign  exchange  uncertain  :  Nation,  XLV. , 

164. — (i)  By  causing  alternate  over-production  and  under- 
production :  Recent  Economic  Changes,  pp.  295-309.  {c) 

It  enables  producers  to  control  the  markets. 

V.  The  bounty  system  is  unnecessary  for  the  development 
of  the  industry.  (d)  The  United  States  has  as  good  facil- 
ities for  raising  beets  as  any  other  country.  {d)  The  sugar 

industry  is  not  an  infant  industry. 

VI.  The  bounty  system  has  proved  a  failure  in  Europe  : 
Nation,  XLVL,  45  (January  19,  1888);  Recent  Econo77dc 

Changes, 295-309;  Lalor' s  Cyclopcedia,  II.,  99.  {a) 

The  beet-sugar  industry  was  fostered  at  the  expense  of  cane 
sugar:  Nation,  XLV.,  164.  {U)  International  compH ca- 
tions arose:  Saturday  Review,  LXIV.,  142  (July  30,  1887), 
847  (December  24,  1887). 


8 


114 


ECONOMICS. 


Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references  :  Essay  on  ^  Industry  and  Com- 
merce' in  Works  of  Alexander  Hamilton^  III.,  366;  Con- 
gressional Record^  1889-1890,  p.  4266  (May  7,  1890);  Sena- 
tors Allison  and  Sherman  in  Congressional  Record,  1888- 
1889,  pp.  888-895  (January  17,  1889). 

I.  The  sugar  industry  is  highly  desirable.  {a)  The  im- 
portance of  sugar  as  a  food  is  constantly  increasing  :  Congres- 
sional Record,   1 889-1 890,  p.  4266.  {b)  The  industry 

will  be  national,  not  sectional :  Congressional  Record,  1888- 

1889,  p.  892  ;  1889-1890,  p.  4515  (May  10,  1890).  {c) 

Beets  do  not  exhaust  the  soil :  Co?tgressional  Record,  1889- 

1890,  p.  4266. 

II.  The  sugar  industry  would  bring  general  economic  ad- 
vantages. (^)  It  would  keep  at  home  money  now  sent 

abroad  in  payment  for  sugar.  (^b)  Capital  greatly  exceed- 
ing the  amount  of  the  bounty  would  be  invested  in  the  indus- 
try. (c)  The  industry  would  create  a  new  and  a  large  de- 
mand for  labor,  both  agricultural  and  mechanical. 

III.  The  bounty  system  is  the  best  means  of  establishing 

the  sugar  industry.  (a)  Protective  duties  are  inadequate. 

— (i)  Bounties  paid  by  foreign  countries  tend  to  counteract 

our  tariff. — (2)  In  the  past  import  duties  have  failed.  (^) 

Bounties  are  necessary  to  tide  the  industry  over  the  critical 
time  of  beginning  :  Congressional  Record,  i^^g-i^go,-^.  4515. 
— (i)  Estabhshment  is  difficult  and  expensive. — (2)  There  is 
small  inducement  for  capital. — (3)  Beet  and  sorghum  sugar 

industries  are  more  or  less  experimental.  (<:)  Bounties 

have  been  successful  in  establishing  industries  abroad. — (i) 
Beet-sugar  industry  in  Germany  :  Congressiojtal  Record,  1889- 
1890,  pp.  4266,  4431  (May  9,  1890). 

IV.  The    bounty  system  is  constitutional.  {a^  The 

bounty  is  extended  to  anyone  who  is  willing  to  undertake  the 
production  of  sugar  :  Ainerican  Law  Register  and  Revieiv, 
XXXI.,  289  (May,  1892). 


DUTIES  ON  WOOL  AND  WOOLLENS.  II5 


XLIV. 

DUTIES  ON  WOOL  AND  WOOLLENS. 

Question  :  ^  Resolved,  That  a  system  of  duties  on  wool 
and  woollens  is  undesirable.' 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  references  :  F.  W.  Taussig  in  Quarterly  Jour- 
nal of  Economics,  VIIL,  I  (October,  1893);  North  American 
Review,  Vol.  154,  p.  133  (February,  1892);  ^  Wool  and 
Tariff,'  Tariff  Reform  Series,  IIL,  No.  19,  p.  342  (Novem- 
ber 15,  1890);  ^  The  Wool  Question,'  Tariff  Reform  Series 
(Report  of  Ways  and  Means  Committee  on  the  Springer  Bill), 
v..  No.  I,  p.  I  (March  15,  1892). 

I.  Duties  on  wool  and  woollens  have  failed  to  bring  bene- 

ficient  results.  {a)  Wool-growing  has  not  prospered. — (i) 

The  United  States  cannot  raise  grades  of  wool  that  will  com- 
pare in  quality  with  the  better  grades  of  foreign  countries. — 
(x)  Owing  to  climate :    Quarterly  Journal  of  Economics, 

VIII. ,  18.  {F)  Woollen  manufacturers  produce  only  the 

cheapest  grades  of  woollens.  {c)  Under  the  tariff  American 

producers  have  succeeded  in  producing  but  a  small  quantity  of 
woollens  in  comparison  with  foreign  importations  :  Quarterly 
Journal  of  Economics,  VIII.,  28-29  ;  Tariff  Reform  Series, 
III.,  No.  19,  p.  359. 

II.  The  removal  of  duties  on  wool  does  not  hurt  wool- 
growers.  {a)  The  grades  of  wool  raised  by  American 

growers  are  not  subject  to  foreign  competition. — (i)  In  these 
grades  the  American  producer  has  an  equal  advantage  with 
foreign  producers:  Quarterly  Journal  of  Economics,  VIII., 
5-20. 

in.  Free  woollens  are  not  injurious  to  manufacturers.  

(a)  They  do  not  injure  the  production  of  cheap  grades  of 


ii6 


ECONOMICS. 


woollens  for  the  American  market. — (i)  The  American  manu- 
facturer, owing  to  the  greater  efficiency  of  his  machinery  and 
the  small  necessity  for  hand  labor,  can  compete  on  equal  terms 
in  these  grades. 

IV.  The  removal  of  duties  on  wool  is  a  benefit  to  manufact- 
urers. (a)  It  enables  them  to  engage  in  the  manufacture 

of  finer  grades  of  woollens  :  Quarterly  Journal  of  Economics y 
VIII.,  32-33. — (i)  By  giving  them  free  raw  material  of  finer 

grades.  {b)  It  gives  them  a  larger  assortment  of  wools  from 

which  to  select  their  grades:    Congressional  Record,  1887- 

1888,  pp.  6519-6530  (July  19,  1888).  {c)  It  enlarges 

their  trade  with  South  America:  Nation,  XLVL,  500  (June 
21,  1888). 

V.  Duties  are  unjust  to  consumers.  {a)  They  require 

them  to  pay  a  high  price  for  woollens  which  are  not  made  in 
America. — (i)  This  is  shown  by  the  constant  increase  in  the 
importations  of  the  finer  grades  of  woollens  in  spite  of  the 
high  tariff. 

Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references  :  Bulletin  of  National  Association  of 
Wool  Manufacttcrers,  XVIII.,  1888,  Nos.  2,  3;  XXIL,  268 
(September,  1892);  XXIIL,  275  (December,  1893);  XXIL, 
I  (March,  1892);  XXL,  333  (December,  1891);  XXIL, 
115  (June,  1892);  W.  D.  Lewis,  Our  Sheep  and  the  Tariff 
(Publications  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania),  Chaps,  i., 
vii.  ;  Congressional  Record,  1 893-1 894,  Appendix,  pp.  1064, 
1 172. 

I.  Duties  on  wool  are  necessary  to  protect  the  sheep-raising 
industry  :  Our  Sheep  and  the  Tariff,  Chap.  vii.  (a)  For- 
eign competition  is  especially  active  in  this  industry. — (i) 
Australia  and  the  Argentine  RepubHc  have  superior  natural 
advantages. 

II.  Duties  on  woollens  are  necessary  to  protect  manu- 
facturers :  Bulletin  of  National  Association  of  Wool  Manu- 


A  NATIONAL  INCOME  TAX. 


117 


facturers,  XXII.,  133.  (a)  Foreign  manufacturers  have  an 

advantage  in  cheap  labor.  (^b)  Foreign  manufacturers  have 

as  good  machinery  as  manufacturers  in  the  United  States. — 

(i)  American  machinery  is  used  extensively  abroad.  

The  return  on  investments  in  the  United  States  is  less  than  it 
is  abroad. — (i)  A  larger  capital  is  required  to  produce  an 
equivalent  amount  of  woollens  :  Bulletin  of  National  Associa- 
tion of  Wool  Maitufacturers ,  XXII.,  136. 

III.  The  history  of  the  United  States  shows  that  duties  have 
been  successful  in  building  up  the  wool  and  woollen  industries  : 
Bulletin  of  National  Association  of  Wool  Manufacturers, 
XVIII.,  234.  {a)  The  production  of  wool  has  greatly  in- 
creased since  the  system  was  begun.  {b)  The  woollen  in- 
dustry is  four  times  as  large  as  in  i860:  Bulletin  of  National 

Association  of  Wool  Manufacturers,  XXIL,  3.  {/)  Under 

periods  of  high  protection  the  industries  have  been  most 
prosperous. 

IV.  The  duties  have  benefited  the  consumers  :  Bulletin  of 

National  Association  of  Wool  Manufacturers,  XXIL,  119.  

(a)  They  have  reduced  the  price  of  woollens  to  less  than  half 
what  it  was  thirty  years  ago. — (i)  By  causing  active  compe- 
tition and  rapid  improvements  in  machinery :  Bulletin  of 
National  Association  of  Wool  Manufacturers,  XXIL,  119. 

TAXATION. 
XLV. 

A  NATIONAL  INCOME  TAX. 

Question  :  '  Resolved,  That  an  income  tax  is  a  desirable 
part  of  a  scheme  of  taxation.' 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  references  :  C.  F.  Bastable,  Public  Finance, 
Bk.  IV.,  Chap.  iv.  ;  R.  T.  Ely,  Taxation  in  American  States 


ii8 


ECONOMICS. 


and  Cities,  Part  III.,  Chap.  vii.  ;  Congressional  Record, 
1893-1894,  pp.  6684-6690  (June  22,  1894);  North  Ameri- 
can Review,  Vol.  158,  p.  i  (January,  1894),  p.  150  (Febru- 
ary, 1894);  Political  Science  Quarterly,  IX.,  610  (December, 
1894);  New  Englander,  XXXVIL,  543  (July,  1878);  Na- 
tional Review,  II.,  771  (February,  1884);  Nation,  IX.,  452 
(November  25,  1869);  Public  Opinion,  XV.,  XVL,  XVII. 
(see  Indexes,  Income  Tax)  ;  Forum,  XVII.,  14  (March,  1894). 

I.  An  income  tax  is  a  just  tax.  {a)  It  is  an  assessment 

on  a  man's  ability  to  pay.  {U)  It  falls  upon  those  who  are 

best  able  to  pay. — (i)  Incomes  more  than  necessary  for  actual 

living  expenses.  {c)  It  equalizes  the  burden  of  taxation. — 

(i)  The  poor^have  to  bear  most  of  the  taxes  on  consumption  : 
Lalor^s  Cyclopcedia,  II.,  485. 

II.  An  income  tax  is  an  excellent  and  efficient  tax  eco- 
nomically considered.  {a)  The  greatest  possible  amount  of 

the  total  tax  levied  gets  into  the  treasury. — (i)  Paid  directly 

into  the  hands  of  the  government.  (J?)  Its  operation  does 

not  have  the  deleterious  effect  of  tariff  taxes. — (i)  It  does  not 
affect  the  normal  distribution  of  capital. — (2)  It  does  not 

benefit  one  class  over  another.  {/)  Its  operation  improves 

the  longer  it  is  tried.  {d)  The  incidence  of  the  tax  cannot 

be  placed  on  some  other  individual  or  class. 

III.  The  income  tax  is  already  well  established  as  a  tax  in 

practice  and  by  leading  authorities.  {a)  The  great  nations 

of  Europe  all  make  it  a  part  of  their  fiscal  system,  e.g.,  Italy, 
Germany,  Austria,  France,  and  Switzerland. — (i)  It  has  been 
constantly  in  use  in  England  since  1842  :  Public  Finance, 

pp.  427-428.  {U)  The  income  tax  is  recommended  by 

high  economic  authority  :  Ely,  Wayland,  Thomson,  Levi, 
Cossa:  Cofigressional  Record,  189 3- 1894,  p.  6685. 

IV.  An  income  tax  is  valuable  as  permanent  part  of  a  tax 

system.  (a)  It  reaches  a  great  class  of  wealth  which  escapes 

other  taxation. — (i)  It  taps  the  incomes  of  great  corporations. 
— (2)  It  levies  on  those  who  escape  local  taxation.  (^)  It 


A  NATIONAL  INCOME  TAX. 


119 


furnishes  a  steady  source  of  revenue.  (c)  It  is  elastic. — (i) 

Its  rate  can  be  varied  from  year  to  year. 

Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references  :  Senator  Hill  in  Congressional  Rec- 
ord, 1893-1894,  pp.  6611-6624  (June  21,  1894);  1894- 
1895,  pp.  840-850  (January  11,  1895)  ;  Lalors  Cyclopcedia, 
II.,  485  ;  D.  A.  Wells  in  Forum,  XVIL,  i  (March,  1894)  ; 
Annals  of  American  Academy  of  Political  Science,  IV.,  557 
(January,  1894)  ;  North  American  Review,  Vol.  130,  p.  236 
(March,  1880);  Vol.  160,  p.  601  (May,  1895);  Political 
Science  Quarterly,  IV.,  37  (March,  1889);  New  Englandcr^ 
LIV.,  39  (January,  1891);  Nation,  XXVI.,  287  (May  2. 
1878);  LVII.,  404  (November  30,  1893);  LVIII.,  24 
(January  11,  1894). 

I.  An  income  tax  is  bad  in  theory.  {a)  It  is  unjust. — 

(i)  It  discriminates  against  personal  ability. — (2)  Against 

the  well-to-do. — (3)  Against  temporary  incomes.  {U)  Its 

effect  on  morals  is  bad:  Lalor's  Cyclopcedia,  III.,  880. — (i) 

It  offers  every  temptation  to  commit  fraud.  {c)  It  tends  to 

stop  the  accumulation  of  wealth.  {d)  It  is  class  legislation. 

 {e)  It  secures  unjust  territorial  distribution.  (/)  The 

national  government  should  not  interfere  in  the  domain  of 
state  and  municipal  taxation:  Public  Opinion,  XVI.,  477. 

II.  An  income  tax  is  objectionable  in  administration  :  J. 
S.  Mill,  Principles  of  Political  Economy,  II.,  Bk.  V.,  Chap, 
iii.,  §  5.  {a)  It  is  inquisitorial.  {U)  It  is  difficult  to  col- 
lect.— (i)  Very  hard  to  ascertain  real  incomes. — (2)  Easily 

evaded.  {c)  It  has  serious  inequalities.  {d)  It  is  very 

unpopular.  {e)  It  is  completely  arbitrary.  (/)  It  leads 

to  great  abuses. 

III.  An  income  tax  is  impracticable.  {a)  Its  workings 

have  not  proved  successful. — (i)  In  Europe. — (x)  Prussia  : 
Quarterly  Journal  of  Eco7iomics,  VI.,  219. — (y)  In  Switzer- 


I20 


ECONOMICS. 


land. — (z)  The  English  government  would  be  glad  to  rid 
themselves  of  the  tax. — (2)  In  the  United  States. — (x)  The 
tax  levied  during  the  war  had  to  be  abolished  in  187 1  on  ac- 
count of  inequalities  and  irregularities. 

XLVI. 

A  SINGLE  TAX. 

Question  :  ^  Resolved,  That  a  single  tax  on  land  would 
be  better  than  the  present  system  of  taxation.* 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  references  :  Henry  George,  Progress  and  Pov- 
erty ;  Henry  George,  The  Condition  of  Labor ;  Henry  George, 
Social  Problems ;  W.  H.  Dawson,  The  Unearned  Increment; 
S.  B.  Clarke,  Current  Objections  to  the  Exaction  of  an  Eco- 
nomic Rent  by  Taxation  ;  R.  T.  Ely,  Taxation  in  American 
States  and  Cities,  Part  II.  ;  David  Ricardo,  Political  Economy, 
Chaps,  xxiv.,  xxxii.  ;  Single  Tax  Debate  in  Journal  of  Social 
Science,  No.  XXVII.,  p.  i  (October,  1890);  North  American 
Review,  Vol.  141,  p.  i  (July,  1885)  ;  Vol.  158,  p.  175  (Febru- 
ary, 1894);  Fo7'um,  VIII.,  40  (September,  1889);  Century, 
XL.,  394  (July,  1890);  Arena,  X.,  52  (June,  1894),  332 
(August,  1894);  Public  Opinion,  IX.,  523  (September  13, 
1890). 

I.  The  present  system  of  taxation  is  bad.  {a)  Extremely 

complex.  (Jf)  Expensive.  {c)  Illogical.  (^)  Clum- 
sy. {e)  Demorahzing  to  taxpayers.  (/)  Imposes  arti- 
ficial restraints  on  industry.  {g)  Discourages  improvements. 

 {K)  Incidence  is  concealed.  (/)  Inequitable. 

II.  The  substitution  of  a  single  tax  on  land  would  be  a 
decided  improvement :  Henry  George,  Progress  and  Pov- 
erty. (a)  Simple.  (U)  Economical.  (r)  Cannot  be 


A  SINGLE  TAX. 


121 


evaded.  (d)  Automatic.  (e)  Less  burdensome.  (/) 

Frees  industry  and  commerce.  (^)  Removes  taxes  upon 

labor  and  capital.  {h)  Equitable. 

III.  Land  values  are  the  best  subject  for  taxation :  David 

Ricardo,  Political  Economy,  Chaps,  xxiv.,  xxxii.  (a) 

Society  may  justly  appropriate  land  rents. — (i)  Rents  are  due 
to  the  development  of  society,  not  to  the  owner's  activity. 
 (^)  The  taxation  of  land  rents  will  prevent  unjust  enrich- 
ments from  land  investments.  (<:)  It  will  prevent  specula- 
tion in  land.  (d)  It  will  lead  to  the  more  effective  use  of 

land. 

Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references  :  W.  H.  Mallock,  Property  and 
Progress ;  G.  B.  Stebbins,  Progress  from  Poverty;  John 
Rae,  Contemporary  Socialism  (second  edition),  Chap.  xii.  ;  F. 
A.  Walker,  Land  and  Its  Pent,  pp.  141-182  ;  Single  Tax  De- 
bate in  Journal  of  Social  Science,  No.  XXVII.,  p.  i  (October, 
1890);  North  American  Review,  Vol.  137,  p.  147  (August, 
1883)  ;  Popular  Science  Monthly,  XXXVI.,  481  (February, 
1890);  Forum,  III.,  15  (March,  1887),  433  (July,  1887); 
Political  Science  Quarterly,  VL,  625  (December,  1891); 
Quarterly  Journal  of  Economics,  VII.,  433  (July,  1893); 
Century,  XL.,  384,  403  (July,  1890);  XLIL,  792  (Septem- 
ber, 1891);  Andover  Review,  592  (December,  1887); 
Edinburgh  Review,  Vol.  157,  p.  263  (January,  1883);  Nine- 
teenth Century,  XV.,  537  (April,  1884)  ;  Quarterly  Review, 
Vol.  155;  P-  35  (January,  1883)  ;  Nation,  XXXI.,  65  (July 
22,  1880),  117  (August  12,  1880)  i  XXXVIIL,  237  (March 
13,  1884). 

1.  The  single  tax  is  objectionable  as  a  scheme  for  raising 

revenue.  (a)  It  is  inelastic.  (^)  It  abolishes  the  entire 

revenue  service. — (i)  Thus  preventing  the  assessment  of  de- 
sirable excise  taxes.  (r)  It  cannot  be  perfectly  assessed. 

 (^d)  It  threatens  free  institutions. — (i)  Revenues  are  raised 


122 


ECONOMICS. 


without  legislation  :  E.  Benjamin  Andrews  in  Journal  of  So- 
cial Science,  No.  XXVIL,  p.  33.  {e)  It  cuts  off  the  pos- 
sibility of  taxing  trusts  and  corporations. 

II.  The  tax  is  an  unjust  one.  {a)  It  is  not  universal. ^ — 

(i)  The  whole  burden  is  placed  on  a  small  portion  of  the  com- 
munity. {b)  It  is  not  equal. — (i)  Professional  men  would 

pay  practically  nothing. — (2)  Farmers  would  overpay.  

{/)  It  is  not  thorough. — ^(i)  The  unearned  increment  on 
land  is  taxed. — (2)  Other  forms  of  increment  escape. 

III.  The  tax  would  not  accomplish  the  end  desired.  (^z) 

It  would  not  remove  the  present  hardships. — (i)  Does  away 
with  only  one  branch  of  capitalism. — (x)  Trusts,  monopolies, 
and  trade  combinations  would  not  be  affected. — (2)  It  would 
not  relieve  the  burdens  of  the  poor. — (x)  The  country  poor 
would  be  weighed  down  by  the  increased  tax. — (y)  The  city 
poor  would  merely  be  assessed  by  the  state  instead  of  by  the  in- 
dividual. iU)  It  is  doubtful  whether  the  tax  would  yield 

sufficient  revenue. — (i)  The  practical  workings  are  not  under- 
stood.— (x)  The  tax  has  no  basis  in  history  or  in  practice. — 
(y)  Where  it  has  been  tried  it  has  failed. 

IV.  The  tax  is  revolutionary  and  socialistic.  (a)  It 

would  inaugurate  government  ownership  of  land. — (i)  Con- 
fiscates private  holdings.  {p)  It  would  bring  about  dan- 
gerous centralization  of  the  powers  of  government.  {c)  It 

is  aimed  at  wealth  which  has  grown  up  under  the  sanction  of 
the  law. 


GOVERNMENT  OWNERSHIP  OF  THE  TELEGRAPH.  12/ 


system  is  a  tax  on  the  public.  (/)  Alliances  are  made 

with  railroads  to  the  detriment  of  the  public.  (g)  It  is 

possible  to  misuse  wires  for  private  ends. 

III.  The  most  efficient  and  cheapest  service  can  be  ob- 
tained by  government  ownership  and  control :  North  Ameri- 
can Review,  Vol.  132,  p.  369  (April,  1881).  (a)  Linej> 

would  be  managed  in  the  interest  of  the  pubKc.  {J?)  Rate* 

could  be  greatly  reduced  and  the  general  use  of  the  telegraph 
increased. — (i)  The  reduction  of  rates  in  Paris  was  followed 
by  a  tenfold  increase  in  the  number  of  users  :  Methods  of  So- 
cial Reform,  p.  283. — (2)  There  would  be  no  unnecessary 
outlay  for  parallel  lines. — (3)  The  telegraph  is  naturally  a  de- 
partment of  the  post-office  and  use  could  be  made  of  local 
post-office  facilities:  Forum,  IV.,  561. — (4)  There  would  be 

freedom  from  taxation.  Service  would  be  better. — (i) 

Lines  would  be  made  more  efficient  and  would  be  extended  to 
suburbs  and  outlying  districts. — (2)  Offices  would  be  more 
centrally  situated. — (3)  Strikes  would  be  impossible. 

IV.  Government  ownership  is  practicable.  It  is  con- 
stitutional :  H.  von  Hoist,  Constitutional  Law  of  the  United 
States,  p.  147,  note;  Pensacola  Telegraph  Co.  v.  West- 
ern Union  Telegraph  Co.,  6  Otto,  i.  {b)  By  act  of  1886 

the  government  has  the  right  to  purchase  lines  at  an  ap- 
praised value  :  Constitutional  Law  of  the  United  States,  p. . 
145,  note  2.  {c)  There  is  no  argument  for  the  postal  ser- 
vice which  does  not  apply  to  the  telegraph  :  Methods  of  Social 
Reform,  pp.  279-281;  Senate  Reports,  1883-1884,  No.  577, 
p.  66;  Nation,  XXXVII.,  90. — (i)  The  capital  invested  is 
comparatively  small. — (2)  The  work  is  routine. — (3)  Strict 
public  supervision  is  possible  from  the  character  of  the  work. 

 (^/)  The  objection  as  to  the  civil  service  is  not  valid  : 

North  American  Review,  Vol.  132,  p.  382. — (i)  Telegraph 
employees  are  skilled  operators  who  cannot  safely  be  removed. 

 if)  Government  ownership  of  telegraph  systems  has  been 

successful  in  Europe  :  Popular  Science  Monthly,  XIX.,  400  \ 
North  American  Review,  Vol.  143,  p.  35. 


128 


SOCIOLOGY. 


Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references:  Political  Science  Quarterly,  III., 
572  (December,  1888)  ;  D.  A.  Wells  in  House  Miscel- 
laneous Documents,  1872-1873,  No.  73,  p.  39;  A.  T.  Had- 
ley.  Railroad  Transportation,  p.  272;  Public  Opinion,  lY 
399  (February  4,  1888)  ;  Senate  Reports,  1 883-1 884,  V., 
No.  577,  pp.  13-50  ;  North  American  Review,  Vol.  139,  p. 
51  (July,  1884);  Nation,  XLIX.,  85  (August  i,  1889). 

I.  Government  ownership  is  contrary  to  wise  public  policy. 

 (a)  It  would  be  unconstitutional :  Pensacola  Telegraph 

Co.  V,  Western  Union  Telegraph  Co.,  6  Otto,  14.  (J?)  It 

would  be  a  step  toward  the  centralization  of  private  interests 
in  the  hands  of  the  government.  (^)  Government  inter- 
ference in  commercial  relations  is  foreign  to  the  spirit  of  our 
institutions:  House  Miscellaneous  Documents,  187 2-1 8 7 3, 
No.  73,  pp.  55,  58,  61. 

II.  The  present  system  is  satisfactory :  Railroad  Transpor- 
tation, p.  255;  House  Miscellaneous  Documents,  1872-1873, 
No.  73,  pp.  42-46.  {a)  It  is  as  good  as  any  foreign  sys- 
tem. (^)  There  has  been  a  steady  reduction  in  rates.  

(<:)  New  lines  are  constantly  being  built.  (^)  In  most 

states  consolidation  and  abuses  can  be  prevented  by  state 
laws. 

III.  Government  ownership  would  lead  to  great  evils: 
House  Miscellaneous  Documents,  187 2-1 873,  No.  73,  pp.  48—* 

62.  (a)  By  destroying  competition  it  would  give  rise  to 

economic  evils. — (i)  The  removal  of  the  necessity  to  pay  in- 
terest on  investments  would  result  in  waste  and  careless  ex- 
penditure.— (2)  Rates  would  be  arbitrarily  raised  to  show  a 
profit. — (3)  There  would  be  no  special  incentive  to  meet  the 

needs  of  the  country.  (^)  It  would  offer  opportunity  for 

political  corruption. — (i)  Since  all  political  telegrams  would 
pass  through  the  hands  of  the  government,  political  secrets 
would  be  exposed  to  the  party  in  power. — (2)  It  would 


STATE  OWNERSHIP  OF  MANUFACTORIES.        1 29 


greatly  increase  the  opportunity  for  political  patronage : 
House  Miscellaneous  Documents,  1872-1873,  No.  73,  p.  56; 
Railroad  Transportation,  p.  256. 

XLIX. 

STATE  OWNERSHIP  OF  MANUFACTORIES. 

Question:  ^Resolved,  That  the  state  ought  to  organize 
and  conduct  manufactories  and  commerce.' 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  references  :  The  Social  Horizon  ;  Andover  Re- 
view, II.,  455  (November,  1884)  ;  Forum,  X.,  174  (October, 
1890);  XVII.,  699  (August,  1894);  Harper^ s  Magazine, 
LXXIIL,  250  (July,  1886),  450  (August,  1886),  571  (Sep- 
tember, 1886);  Fortnightly  Review,  IL^.,  557  (November, 
1873)  ;  Nineteenth  Century,  V.,  11 14  (June,  1879)  ;  Nation, 
XXXVIL,  90  (August  2,  1883)  ;  XXXVIII.,  136  (Febru- 
ary 14,  1884);  Public  Opinion,  IV.,  103  (November  12, 
1887),  222  (December  17,  1887)  ;  X.,  31  (October  18, 
1890)  ;  XIV.,  446  (February  11,  1893). 

I.  The  system  of  private  ownership  is  unsatisfactory.  

(a)  Socially. — (i)  It  causes  great  inequality  in  social  con- 
ditions.— (x)  A  class  living  in  extreme  poverty. — (y)  A  class 

living  in  great  luxury.  (^)  Economically. — (i)  It  causes 

financial  crises  and  the  frequent  recurrence  of  periods  of  busi- 
ness stagnation. — (x)  Supply  is  not  regulated  by  demand.  

(^r)  Politically. — (i)  It  is  dangerous  for  the  state. — (x)  Trusts 
and  corporations  influence  legislation  and  place  the  welfare  of 
the  community  in  the  hands  of  a  few  men. 

II.  State  ownership  is  desirable  socially.  {a)  It  would 

put  an  end  to  the  friction  between  social  classes. — (i)  By  re- 

9 


130 


SOCIOLOGY. 


ducing  large  fortunes  and  elevating  the  condition  of  working 

people.  (J?)  It  would  cause  a  better  distribution  of  labor. 

 It  would  do  away  with  strikes  and  lockouts.  (d) 

It  would  introduce  into  the  industrial  world  more  humane  re- 
lations. 

III.  State  ownership  is  desirable  economically.  (a)  The 

state  has  especial  advantages  as  an  employer. — (i)  Unlimited 

capital. — (2)  Great  stability.  (p)  Production  would  be 

cheapened. — (i)  Business  would  be  united  under  one  manage- 
ment.— (2)  Goods  would  be  bought  and  sold  in  the  largest 
quantities. — (3)  There  would  be  fewer  people  for  whom  a 

profit  would  have  to  be  made.  (<r)  There  would  be  none 

of  the  extravagances  of  private  ownership. — (i)  No  competi- 
tion.— (2)  No  advertising  necessary. — (3)  No  display  neces- 
sary.— (4)  No  credit  or  bad  debts. — (5)  No  waste  of  resources. 

IV.  State  ownership  is  desirable  politically.  (a)  It  is  a 

wise  application  of  the  doctrine  of  increasing  the  functions  of 
the  state.  (^)  It  would  do  away  with  the  power  of  corpo- 
rations which  shakes  the  stability  of  our  government.  {c) 

It  would  give  the  control  of  business  interests  to  the  masses. 

 (^)  It  would  increase  the  intelligence  and  promote  the 

welfare  of  the  state. — (i)  By  bettering  the  condition  of  the 
people. 

V.  State  ownership  is  practicable.  (a)  The  change  from 

the  present  system  would  not  be  great. — (i)  The  whole  growth 

of  industry  is  toward  centralization.  (^)  State  ownership 

has  been  successful  where  it  has  been  tried. — (i)  In  Germany  : 
W.  W.  Dawson,  Bis^narck  and  State  Socialism. — (2)  In  Eng- 
land.— (x)  In  the  post-office  and  in  the  postal  telegraph  ser- 
vice.— (3)  In  the  United  States. — (x)  In  the  post-office  and 
in  the  government  dock-yards. 

Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references  :  John  Rae,  Contemporary  Social- 
ism (second  edition),  Chap.  xi.  ;  H.  C.  Adams  in  Publica- 


STATE  OWNERSHIP  OF  MANUFACTORIES.  I3I 


Hons  of  American  Economic  Association,  I.,  No.  6,  p.  471 
(January,  1887);  J.  S.  Mill,  Principles  of  Political  Economy, 
II.,  Bk.  v..  Chap.  xi.  ;  North  American  Review,  Vol.  137, 
p.  422  (November,  1883);  Vol.  139,  p.  51  (July,  1884); 
Century,  IX.,  737  (March,  1886)  ;  Forum,  XVII.,  394  (June, 
1884);  Atlantic  Monthly,  XXXVII.,  360  (March,  1876); 
Public  Opinion,  VII.,  230  (June  22,  1889). 

I.  State  ownership  would  be  extravagant.  (a)  Joint- 
stock  companies  do  not  produce  as  much  or  pay  as  high  wages 

as  private  companies  :  Contemporary  Socialism,  p.  417.  {U) 

There  would  be  great  danger  of  jobbery  and  corruption. — (i) 
A  large  amount  of  capital  invested. — (2)  No  direct  responsi- 
bility.— (3)  The  check  of  public  opinion  would  be  distant 
and  ineffectual.  {c)  Idleness  would  be  common. 

II.  State  ownership  would  be  inefficient.  {a)  The  ser- 
vice would  not  get  the  best  men. — (i)  Offices  would  be  given 

for  political   services.  {U)  The    business    policy  would 

change  with  each  new  administration.  {c)  There  would 

be  no  incentive  for  men  to  do  good  work.  {d^  The  only 

reason  that  the  post-office  is  successful  is  because  of  the  routine 
character  of  the  work. 

III.  State  ownership  would  be  unprogressive.  {a)  There 

would  be  great  delay  in  meeting  existing  conditions.  (Ji) 

Little  opportunity  would  be  given  for  originality  or  inventive- 
ness. {c)  There  would  be  no  competition  to  brighten  the 

talents  of  officials.  {d)  Government  work  is  proverbially 

sluggish. 

IV.  State  ownership  would  be  dangerous.-  {a)  It  would 

create  thousands  of  officials  whose  influence  in  politics  would 

be  harmful.  {h)  It  would  bring  the  government  and  the 

government  employees  into  the  daily  lives  of  the  people  in  a 

distasteful  way.  {c)  It  would  destroy  liberty  of  action. 

 (^)  It  would  retard  progress. 

V.  The  system  of  private  ownership  is  the  best.  (d)  It 

has  brought  the  world  where  it  is  to-day.  (/;)  It  has  cheap- 


132 


SOCIOLOGY. 


ened  manufactures.  (c)   It  develops  to  the  utmost  the 

talents  of  employees  and  employers  alike.  (d)  It  would  be 

unwise  for  the  state  to  undertake  new  functions  when  it  per- 
forms so  ill  those  already  allotted  to  it. 

L. 

MUNICIPAL  OWNERSHIP  OF  NATURAL  MONOPOLIES. 

Question  :  '  Resolved,  That  municipalities  in  the  United 
States  should  own  and  operate  plants  for  supplying  light,, 
water,  and  surface  transportation.' 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  references  :  R.  T.  Ely,  Problems  of  To-day ^ 
pp.  120-146,  260-273;  A.  H.  Sinclair,  Municipal  Monopolies 
and  their  Management ;  C.  W.  Baker,  Monopolies  and  the 
People,  Chap.  v.  ;  J.  S.  Mill,  Principles  of  Political  Economy y 
II.,  Bk.  v..  Chap,  xi.,  §  11 ;  Publications  of  American  Eco- 
nomic Association,  I.,  Nos.  2  and  3,  p.  53  (May  and  July, 
1886)  ;  II.,  No.  6,  p.  507  (January,  1888)  ;  VL,  Nos.  4  and 
5,  p.  295  (July  and  September,  1891)  ;  Harper's  Magazine, 
LXXXL,  99  (June,  1890);  Century,  XXXIX.,  721  (March, 
1890)  ;  Eorum,  VIII.,  286  (November,  1889)  ;  North 
American  Review,  Vol.  158,  p.  294  (March,  1894). 

I.  The  ownership  of  light,  water,  and  transportation  plants 

is  a  proper  function  for  city  government.  {a)  The  laissez 

faire  doctrine  is  fallacious :  Arnold  Toynbee,  The  Industrial 
Revolution  in  England,  pp.  1-27.  (J?)  The  ends  of  gov- 
ernment embrace  all  the  benefits  and  all  the  immunities  from 
evil  which  government  can  confer :  Publications  of  American 

Economic  Association,  I.,  Nos.  2  and  3,  p.  82.  {c)  It  is 

not  socialism. 

II.  Private  ownership   gives  rise  to  great  evils.  {a) 


OWNERSHIP  OF  NATURAL  MONOPOLIES.        1 33 


There  is  great  waste  of  forces. — (i)  Business  is  not  regulated 
by  competition.  (^)  The  public  is  plundered. — (ij  Enor- 
mous dividends  are  secured  from  franchises  which  belong  to 
the  public :  Municipal  Monopolies  and  their  Management^  p. 

32.  {c)  The  public  is  dependent  on  those  who  own  the 

monopolies.  (^)  The  public  is  victimized  by  bribery  and 

corruption. — (i)  The  companies  spend  large  sums  controlling 
boards  of  aldermen  :  R.  T.  Ely,  Taxation  in  American  States 
and  Cities y  p.  276. 

III.  Municipal  ownership  is  followed  by  great  advantages. 

 {a)  Plants  are  run  for  the  benefit  of  the  public.  {b) 

Rates  for  service  are  lowered  :  Municipal  Monopolies  and  their 

Management^  pp.  27-37.  {c)  Whatever  profits  are  made 

lessen  taxation.  {d')  Needless  investment  and  speculation 

is  checked.  (<?)  Regularity  and  economy  of  administration 

is  insured. — (i)  Strict  watch  is  kept  by  every  taxpayer  who 
is  a  stockholder. 

IV.  Municipal  ownership  is  more  successful  in  practice 

than  private  ownership.  (a)  In  operating  water  plants  : 

Municipal  Monopolies  and  their  Management^  pp:   27-29  ; 

Problems  of  To-day^  pp.  134-137.  (J?)  In  operating  gas 

plants:  Publications  of  American  Economic  Association^  I., 

Nos.  2  and  3;  Forum,  VIII.,  286-296.  {c)  In  operating 

plants  for  surface  transportation  :  Century,  XXXIX.,  733. 

Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references:  A.  R.  Foote,  Municipal  Owner- 
ship of  Quasi-Public  Works;  T.  H.  Farrer,  The  State  in  its 
Relation  to  Trade,  Chap.  x.  ;  A.  T.  Hadley  in  Political  Sci- 
ence Quarterly,  III.,  572  (December,  1888);  V.,  411  (Sep- 
tember, 1890);  Nation,  LVL,  449  (June  22,  1893)  ;  VIII., 
285  (April  19,  1894);  Public  Opinion,^!.,  576  (March 
22,  1894). 

I.  Municipal  ownership  of  light,  water,  and  transportation 
plants  is  unwise  in  theory.  {a)  It  is  not  a  proper  function 


134 


SOCIOLOGY. 


of  government. — (i)  It  is  not  necessary  for  the  promotion  of 
intelligence,  the  care  of  the  unfortunate,  or  to  establish  justice : 

Municipal  Ownership  of  Quasi- Public  Works,  p.  9.  {b)  It 

increases  government  interference  in  the  field  of  private  action. 
 {c)  It  deprives  industry  of  the  moral  and  economic  ad- 
vantage of  self-interest. 

II.  Municipal  ownership  is  financially  disastrous.  {a) 

Waste  and  extravagance  result. — (i)  Those  who  have  the  di- 
rection have  little  skill  or  experience. — (2)  They  have  little  in- 
terest in  an  economic  administration.  (J?)  There  is  a  con- 
stant tendency  to  rely  on  the  city's  ability  to  tax  to  make  up 
deficiencies.  {c)  There  is  little  chance  of  any  extra  reve- 
nue.— (i)  The  clamor  for  low  rates  does  away  with  the  revenue. 

III.  Municipal  ownership  is  inefficient.  {a)  It  is  not 

alive  to  new  inventions.  (J?)  The  service  does  not  secure 

the  best  men. — (i)  Not  enough  salary  is  paid. — (2)  There  is 

too  little  opportunity  for  advancement.  The  service  is 

subject  to  the  change  of  political  parties. 

IV.  The  present  status  of  American  city  governments  alone 

precludes  further  consideration  of  the  question.  {a)  Most 

Ameri<:an  cities  do  abominably  what  little  they  have  to  do. — 
(i)  Jobbery  and  corruption  are  common. — (2)  The  poHce 
service  is  poor. — (3)  Laws  are  unenforced. — (4)  The  streets 

are  ill-kept.  (U)  To  add  to  municipal  functions  is  simply 

to  aggravate  present  conditions  and  to  delay  reforms  indefi- 
nitely. 

LI. 

THE  PROHIBITION  OF  TRUSTS. 

Question  :  '  Resolved,  That  all  trusts  and  combinations  in- 
tended to  monopolize  industries  should  be  prohibited.' 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  references  :  H.  D.  Lloyd,  Wealth  against  Com- 
monzvealth;  J.  F.  Hudson  in  North  American  Review,  Vol. 


THE  PROHIBITION  OF  TRUSTS. 


144,  p.  277  (March,  1887)  ;  A.  W.  Tourgee  in  North  Amer- 
ican Review,  Vol.  157,  p.  30  (July,  1893);  Quarterly  Jour- 
nal of  Economics,  III.,  136  (January,  1889)  ;  Nation^ 
XLVIL,  125  (August  16,  1888);  XLIV.,  380  (May  5, 
1887);  XLV.^68  (July  28,  1887);  XLVIII.,  108  (Febru- 
ary 7,  1889)  ;  XLIX.,  186  (September  5,  1889)  \  Unitarian 
Review,  XXVI.,  522-529  (December,  1886)  ;  Congressional 
Record,  1889-1890,  p.  2456  (March  21,  1890);  Lalor' s  Cy- 
clopcedia,  I.,  539-547  ;  J.  S.  Jeans,  Trusts,  Fools,  and  Cor- 
ners, 

I.  Trusts  are  unnecessary.  (a)  The  concentration  of 

capital  is  possible  without  them. — (i)  Trades  are  sufficiently 

large  to  admit  several  great  competitors.  {U)  Monopoly  is 

not  necessary  to  resist  labor  organizations. — (i)  Labor  unions 
do  not  have  a  complete  monopoly  of  labor. — (x)  Strikes  are 
often  a  failure. — (2)  Union  to  resist  labor  is  possible  without 
trusts. 

II.  Trusts  are  an  economic  evil.  {a)  They  limit  natural 

production  :  Nation,  XLIX.,  186.  {U)  They  destroy  com- 
petition.— (i)  By  absorbing  all  large  producers. — (2)  By  crush- 
ing smaller  rivals:  Popular  Science  Monthly,  XXXIV.,  619 

(March,  1889);  Nation,  XLVIII.,  108.  {c)  They  raise 

prices  :  North  American  Review,  Vol.  144,  p.  277. 

III.  Trusts  are  a  social  evil.  {a)  They  put  wealth  in  the 

hands  of  a  few:  Nation,  XLVIII.,  108.  (<^)  Individual 

enterprise  is  discouraged:  Nation,  XLV. ,  68. — (i)  Small 
capitalists  are  driven  out. — (2)  Independent  producers  are 
made  dependents. — (3)  The  tyranny  over  dependents  is  great. 
 {/)  Trusts  are  irresponsible.  (^)  They  use  power  un- 
scrupulously.— (i)  The  Standard  Oil  Co.  {e)  They  en- 
courage gambling  and  speculation.  (/)  They  interfere  in 

politics. 

IV.  The  prohibition  of  trusts  is  practicable.  {a)  It  is 

constitutional. — (i)  Congress  has  power  over  interstate  com- 
merce :  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  Art.  I.,  Sec.  8,  §  3. 


136 


SOCIOLOGY. 


— (2)  The  jurisdiction  of  United  States  courts  is  sufficiently 
extensive:  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  Art.  I.,  Sec.  8, 
§  9  ;  Art.  III.,  Sec.  2,  §§  i,  2,  3. — (3)  The  states  have  juris- 
diction within  their  hmits.  {p)  It  can  be  accompHshed. — 

(i)  Laws  can  be  made  sufficiently  stringent  to  reach  trusts 
effectually. 

V.  Prohibition  is  desirable.  (a)  Other  methods  are  in- 
sufficient.— (i)  Mere  government  regulation  is  inadequate. 

Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references:  Political  Science  Quarterly,  III., 
385  (September,  1888),  592  (December,  1888);  IX.,  486 
(September,  1894)  ;  Popular  Science  Monthly,  XLIV.,  740 
(April,  1894);  XLV.,  289  (July,  1894);  Forum,  V.,  584 
(July,  1888);  VIIL,  61  (September,  1889);  S.  C.  T.  Dodd, 
Combinations,  their  Uses  and  Abuses ;  E.  von  Halle,  Trusts 
or  Industrial  Combinations  in  the  United  States,  Chap.  viii.  ; 
House  Reports,  188 8- 1889,  No.  4165,  Part  2  ;  Congressional 
Record,  1889-1890,  p.  1765  (February  27,  1890). 

I.  Trusts  are  not  in  themselves  illegal:  Political  Science 
Quarterly,  HI.,  592.  (a)  They  are  contrivances  of  every- 
day occurrence  in  common  law.  {U)  The  right  of  stock- 
holders to  place  stock  in  hands  of  trustees  is  undeniable.  

{c)  The  abuses  of  trusts  can  be  made  amenable  to  law :  New 

Englander,  LIL,  360  (April,  1890).  (^)  States  are  able 

to  provide  against  all  non-observances  of  the  law. 

II.  Trusts  are  the  natural  result  of  industrial  conditions. 
 {a)  They  are  the  result  of  lower  prices  caused  by  over- 
production and  the  opposition  of  labor  to  corresponding  re- 
ductions in  wages.  {F)  They  were  organized  for  self-pro- 
tection as  an  offset  to  trade  unions  :  Forum,  VIIL,  66.  

(c)  The  trend  of  all  industry  is  toward  combination :  Wash- 
ington Gladden,  Tools  and  the  Man,  Chap.  vi. 

III.  Trusts  are  not  harmful :    Popular  Science  Monthly^ 


THE  PROHIBITION  OF  RAILROAD  POOLING.      1 3/ 

XLIV.,   740.  (a)  They  can  never  maintain  abnormal 

prices. — (i)  Competition,  latent  or  active,  is  always  a  check. 

— (2)  Too  great  increase  in  prices  lessens  demand.  {d) 

Profits  are  increased  by  cheapening  the  cost  of  production, 

not  by  raising  prices.  (<:)  A  regime  of  combination  is  less 

harmful  than  one  of  free  competition:    Forum,  VIII.,  67. 

 (d)  Trusts  differ  from  corporate  and  individualistic  forms 

of  industry  only  in  size  and  complexity.  (<?)  The  popular 

prejudice  against  trusts  is  illogical. — (i)  The  classes  most  in- 
jured by  competition  are  the  loudest  in  denouncing  trusts. 

IV.    Trusts  are  of  positive  economic  advantage.  (^a) 

They  decrease  the  cost  of  production. — (i)  Competition  is 
wasteful. — (2)    Improved   methods  are  introduced :  North 

American  Review,  Vol.  136,  p.  188  (February,  1883).  

(J))  They  prevent  over-production  :  Quarterly  Journal  of  Eco- 
nomics, III.,  136  (January,  1889). — (i)  By  regulating  supply 

and  demand.  {c)  They  steady  the  labor  market.  (^) 

They  prevent  ruinous  competition.  {e)  They  increase  con- 
sumption.— (i)  By  increasing  facilities  for  transportation. — 
(2)  By  lowering  prices. — (x)  Prices  may  rise  temporarily,  but 
they  fall  steadily  afterward. 

LII. 

THE  PROHIBITION  OF  RAILROAD  POOLING. 

Question  :  '  Resolved,  That  the  Interstate  Commerce  Act 
should  be  so  amended  as  to  allow  pooling.' 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  references  :  Quarterly  Journal  of  Econom- 
ics, III.,  184-185  (January,  1889);  IV.,  158  (January, 
1890);  Political  Science  Quarterly,  II.,  369  (September, 
1887);  Forum,  V.,  652  (August,  1888);  Reports  of  Inter- 
state Commerce  Commissio?i,  I.,  307-312;  II.,  436  et  seq.  \ 


138 


SOCIOLOGY. 


IV.,  351-358  ;  Report  of  Senate  Committee  on  Interstate  Com- 
merce, Senate  Reports^  1 885-1 886,  III.,  Part  2,  pp.  71-77, 
114-117,  119-120,  123-126,  170-173,  194,  202,  203. 

I.  The  prohibition  of  pooling  was  the  result  of  popular 
misapprehension:  Quarterly  Journal  of  Economics^  II.,  164 
(January,  1888). 

II.  The  prohibition  of  pooling  is  injurious  to  railroads. 

 {a)  It  results  in  ruinous  competition. — (i)  By  causing 

rate  wars:  Quarterly  Journal  of  Economics^  III.,  182-183. — 
(2)  By  causing  the  construction  of  unnecessary  parallel  lines : 
Quarterly  Journal  of  Economics,  III.,  182-183. 

III.  The  prohibition  is  injurious  to  commerce  :  A.  T.  Had- 

ley.  Railroad  Transportatio7t,  Chap.   iv.  (a)    It  makes 

rates  unstable  :  Quarterly  Journal  of  Economics,  IV.,  159- 
160. — (i)  There  is  no  incentive  to  adhere  to  a  systematic 
schedule.  It  compels  the  railroads  to  manipulate  se- 
cretly the  rates  and  to  discriminate  through  rebates. 

IV.  Pooling  is  a  desirable  form  of  railroad  combination. 
 (t?)  Combination  of  some  kind  is  a  necessity  and  can- 
not be  prevented:    Political  Science   Quarterly,  II.,  374 

(September,  1887).  {b)  Pooling  insures  unvarying  rates  to 

shippers. — (i)  Each  railroad  being  in  a  pool,  and  feeling  sure 

of  a  fair  profit,  has  no  incentive  to  cut  rates,  (^)  Pooling 

does  away  with  discriminations  and  rebates. — (i)  The  forces 
which  give  competitive  points  cheaper  rates  than  non-com- 
petitive points  are  removed.  {d)  Pooling  has  worked  well 

in  this  country  and  in  Europe :  Political  Science  Quarterly, 
II.,  378,  385  (September,  1887). 

Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references  :  J.  F.  Hudson,  The  Railways 
and  the  Republic,  pp.  194-250  ;  Report  of  the  Senate  Select 
Committee  on  Interstate  Commerce,  1886,  pp.  660,  880,  1204; 
William  Larrabee,  The  Railway  Question,  pp.  194-204. 


STATE  CONTROL  OF  EDUCATION. 


I.  There  is  no  necessity  for  pooling.  (a)  Serious  rate 

wars  have  ceased  since  the  passage  of  the  Interstate  Commerce 

Act.  (^)  The  discriminations  and  fluctuations  in  rates 

which  pooling  is  supposed  to  prevent  are  prohibited  by  the 
Interstate  Commerce  Act. 

II.  Pooling  is  an  evil.  (a)  It  destroys  healthful  com- 
petition.— (i)  It  withdraws  the  incentive  for  individual  effort. 
 (<^)  It  deteriorates  railroad  service.  It  puts  arbi- 
trary power  over  the  commerce  of  the  country  into  the  hands 
of  a  few  men :  A.  T.  Hadley,  Railroad  Transportation^  p. 

76.  (^)  It  raises  rates  by  destroying  competition  :  The 

Railways  and  the  Republic,  p.  217;  Report  of  the  Senate  Select 

Committee  on  Interstate  Commerce,  1886,  p.  363.  {e)  It 

leads  to  the  maintenance  of  unnecessary  roads  at  public  ex- 
pense :  The  Railways  and  the  Republic,  pp.  230,  418.  (/) 

It  results  in  frequent  rate  wars  and  uncertain  rates. — (  i  ) 
Through  the  efforts  of  one  road  in  the  pool  to  force  the  other 
roads  to  terms  dictated  by  it :  The  Railways  and  the  Republic, 
p.  232. 

III.  Pooling  under  the  control  of  the  Interstate  Commerce 
Commission  would  not  be  practicable  :  Congressional  Record, 
1892-1893,  pp.  709-715  (January  19,  1893),  p.  712,  report 
of  minority  against  pooling.  {a)  Owing  to  the  great  num- 
ber of  railroads.  {U)  It  would  put  too  much  power  in  the 

hands  of  the  commission. 

LIII. 

STATE  CONTROL  OF  EDUCATION. 

Question  :  '  Resolved,  That  it  is  the  right  and  duty  of  the 
state  to  supervise  and  control  primary  and  secondary  educa- 
tion.* 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  REFERENCES :  Lalor's  Cyclopcedia,  II.,  29;  Pop- 
ular Science  Monthly,  XIX.,  635  (September,  1881)  ;  Forum, 


I40 


SOCIOLOGY. 


XL,  59  (March,  1891)  ;  XII.,  208  (October,  1891)  ;  Con- 
temporary Review,  XXVII.,  70  (December,  1875);  Educa- 
tional Review,  I.,  26,  52  (January,  1891);  V.,  424  (May, 
1893)  ;  Barnard s  American  Journal  of  Education,  III.,  81 
(March,  1857);  Education,  XII.,  293  (January,  1892); 
Social  Economist,  II.,  152  (January,  1892). 

I.  The  welfare  of  the  state  depends  on  the  intelHgence  and 

virtue  of  its  people.  {a)  The  people  make  the  state.  

{p)  If  the  people  are  ignorant  and  vicious  the  laws  and  in- 
stitutions which  they  adopt  will  be  unwise  and  injurious.  

{c)  In  a  republic  where  the  people  rule  through  universal  suf- 
frage the  dependence  of  the  state  on  the  character  of  its  peo- 
ple is  especially  marked. 

II.  Intelligence  and  virtue  can  only  be  assured  by  the  exist- 
ence of  schools.  {a)  It  is  only  thus  that  intellectual  and 

moral  training  can  be  given.  {h)  It  is  only  thus  that 

obedience  to  law  and  regard  for  the  rights  of  one's  fellow- 
creatures  can  be  inculcated.  {c)  It  is  only  thus  that  prop- 
er attention  can  be  given  to  health  and  physical  develop- 
ment. 

III.  The  control  and  supervision  of  schools  should  be  in  the 
hands  of  the  state.  {a)  Unless  the  state  assumes  this  func- 
tion there  is  no  assurance  that  citizens  will  have  proper  train- 
ing.— (i)  Without  state  supervision,  studies  calculated  to 
foster  patriotism  and  promote  good  citizenship  may  be  wholly 
neglected. — (2)  Compulsory  attendance  is   necessary. — (3) 

Fixed  qualifications  for  teachers  are  desirable.  {b)  Private 

and  sectarian  schools  have  a  deleterious  influence. — (i)  In 
many  such  schools  allegiance  to  church  before  allegiance  to 
state  is  taught. — (x)  Catholic  schools. — (2)  The  Enghsh  lan- 
guage and  literature  are  neglected  for  the  study  of  a  foreign 
language  and  literature. — (3)  Un-American  ideas  are  promul- 
gated, and  American  citizenship  is  thus  degraded. 


STATE  CONTROL  OF  EDUCATION. 


141 


Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references  :  Paul  Leroy  Beaulieu,  The  Modern 
State,  pp.  63-91,  155-162  ;  Popular  Science  Monthly,  XVIL, 
664  (March,  188 1)  ;  XXX.,  699  (March,  1887);  XXXL, 
124  (May,  1887);  North  Americafi  Review,  VoL  133,  p. 
215  (September,  1881)  ;  Vol.  153,  p.  193  (August,  1891)  ; 
Forum,  XIL,  196  (October,  189 1) ;  Fortnightly  Review, 
XXXIV.,  42  (July,  1880);  Nation,  XLIL,  51  (January  21, 
1886). 

I.  State  supervision  and  control  is  unwise  in  theory.  (a) 

It  is  a  direct  step  toward  state  centralization  and  the  destruc- 
tion of  local  autonomy.  (U)  It  is  a  recognized  theory  of 

Anglo-Saxon  nations  that  local  self-government  is  the  essence 

of  freedom.  {c)  The  modern  state  is  unable  to  perform 

well  its  present  functions. 

II.  State  control  is  detrimental  to  education.  {a  )  Educa- 
tion is  most  successful  when  adapted  to  the  especial  needs  of 
the  community  and  the  individual.  {U)  State  control  re- 
duces all  education  to  a  uniform  and  dead  level.  {c)  State 

control  brings  education  into  politics  with  unfavorable  results. 
— (i)  The  publishers  of  text-books  secure  their  adoption  by 
state  legislatures  through  measures  which  are  highly  question- 
able. (^)  State  control  tends  to  destroy  the  self-reliance 

and  the  interest  of  parents  and  communities  in  educational 

matters.  {e)  State  control  causes  unequal  burdens  on  the 

well-to-do  classes.  (/)  State  control  discourages  private 

benevolence. 

III.  Education  can  best  be  carried  on  by  private  enterprise. 

 {a)  Greater  variety  of  education  is  possible.  {J?) 

Education  suitable  to  special  needs  can  be  obtained.  {c) 

The  hberty  of  the  individual  is  not  encroached  upon.  (^) 

Better  teachers  can  be  secured.  {/)  More  immediate  and 

individual  attention  is  possible.  (/)  Race  and  class  preju- 
dices are  not  excited.  (^)  More  thorough  and  general 

education  is  the  result. 


142 


SOCIOLOGY. 


LIV. 

FEDERAL  CONTROL  OF  DIVORCE. 

Question  :  ^  Resolved,  That  a  constitutional  amendment 
should  be  secured  giving  to  the  federal  government  exclusive 
control  over  divorces/ 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative, 

General  references:  Forum,  11,,  429  (January,  1887); 
Popular  Science  Monthly,  XXIII.,  224  (June,  1883);  D. 
Convers,  Marriage  and  Divorce,  pp.  220-230;  Journal  of 
Social  Science,  No.  XIV.,  p.  152  (November,  1881);  Prince- 
ton Review,  IX.,  90-92  (January,  1882);  T.  D.  Woolsey, 
Divorce  and  Divorce  Legislation,  Chap.  v.  ;  New  Englander, 
XLIII.,  48  (January,  1884);  Forum,  NIW..,  349-356  (De- 
cember, 1889)  ;  Arena,  II.,  399  (September,  1890). 

I.  Reform  of  our  divorce  laws  is  necessary.  {a)  The 

present  lax  system  affects  the  stability  of  American  institu- 
tions:  Jom^nal  of  Social  Science,  No.  XIV.,  pp.  155-163. 
— (i)  It  has  a  bad  effect  on  the  individual. — (2)  On  the 
family  :  New  Englander,  XLIII. ,  61. — (3)  On  the  nation  at 
large:  Princeton  Review,  IX.,  92.  {U)  Divorces  are  in- 
creasing rapidly :   Tribune  Almanac,  1893,  pp.  212—213. 

II. '  The  lack  of  uniformity  is  the  worst  evil :  Popular 

Science  Monthly,  XXIII.,  224.  {a)  It  gives  rise  to  endless 

confusion  :  Century,  L,  419  (January,  1882);  Marriage  and 
Divorce,  pp.  220-230;  Princeton  Review,  IX.,  90-92. — 
(i)  As  to  the  status  of  the  parties  in  different  states. — (2)  The 
grounds  for  divorce. — (3)  Legal  proceedings. — (4)  Subsequent 
status  of  parties:  Forum,  II.,  434. — (5)  Property  rights. — 

(6)  Legitimacy  of  children.  {F)  It  is  largely  responsible 

for  the  increase  in  number  of  divorces  :  Lalor's  Cyclopcedia, 


FEDERAL  CONTROL  OF  DIVORCE. 


H3 


III.,  808.  (c)  It  lessens  respect  for  law  in  general :  Forum^ 

II.,  429. 

III.  Federal  control  offers  the  best  solution :  New  Eng- 
lander^  XLIIL,  65.  {a)  A  uniform  remedy  should  be  ap- 
plied to  a  uniform  evil  :  Forum,  II.,  429.  (^)  Federal  con- 
trol would  prevent  fraud:  New  Engiander,  XLIIL,  57. — 
(i)  By  preventing  change  of  residence. — (2)  By  discouraging 
divorce  lawyers. — (3)  By  abolishing  lax  laws  and  loose  pro- 
cedure:  Journal  of  Social  Science,  No.  XIV.,  pp.  152-155. 

 {c)  There  is  no  hope  of  uniform  state  laws  :  Public 

Opinion,  VIIL,  103  (November  9,  1889).  {d)  It  would 

not  be  difficult  to  secure  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution  : 
ForuMy  XL,  437. 

Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references  :  J.  P.  Bishop,  Marriage  and  Divorce, 
XL,  §§  143-199;  Forum,  Ylll.,  357  (December,  1889); 
Public  Opinion,  VIIL,  104-107  (November  9,  1889)  ;  North 
American  Review,  Vol.  144,  pp.  429-431  (April,  1887); 
Vol.  149,  pp.  513-516  (November,  1889);  Journal  of  Social 
Science,  No.  XIV.,  p.  136  (November,  1881) ;  Political 
Science  Quarterly,  IV.,  592  (December,  189 1). 

L  A  national  divorce  law  would  be  contrary  to  the  theory 

of  our  political  system:  Public  Opinion,  VIIL,  104.  (a) 

Xt  would  tend  to  impair  local  self-government.  (^)  It  would 

be  a  radical  step  toward  further  interference  by  the  general 
government  :  North  American  Review,  Vol.  144,  p.  429. 

11.  It  would  be  impracticable.  {a)  Diversified  laws  are 

necessary  for  diversity  of  sentiment:  Public  Opi7iio7i,  VIIL, 

105.  (J?)  The  subject  is  too  complex  for  general  legislation  : 

North  Americaji  Review,  Vol.  149,  p.  516. — (i)  The  ele- 
ments are  too  little  understood. — (2)  The  people  are  not 
ready  for  so  great  a  change. — (3)  The  evil  consequences  of 
any  mistake  would  be  difficult  to  remedy. 


144 


SOCIOLOGY. 


III.  It  is  unnecessary.  (d)  The  abuses  of  the  laws  are 

not  due  to  any  lack  of  uniformity  :  Journal  of  Social  Science, 
No.  XIV.,  p.  136. — (i)  Many  states  require  actual  residence 
for  a  considerable  time  as  well  as  other  uniform  regulations. 
— (2)  In  four-fifths  of  the  cases  divorce  occurs  in  the  same 
state  as  the  marriage  :  North  American  Review ,  Vol.  149,  p. 

S16. 

IV.  The  best  remedy  lies  in  state  regulation  :  Forum, 
VIII.,  359.  {a)  The  roots  of  the  evil  can  better  be  at- 
tacked. {F)  Laws  can  best  be  framed  to  meet  special  con- 
ditions. 


LV. 

GOVERNMENT  CONSTRUCTION  OF  IRRIGATION  WORKS. 

Question  :  ^  Resolved,  That  the  government  ought  to  con- 
struct an  extensive  system  of  irrigation  works. ' 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  references  :  A.  M.  Wilson,  ^  Irrigation  in  In- 
dia/ in  House  Executive  Documents,  1 891-1892,  XVIII., 
390;  1890-1891,  XV.,  pp.  xi.-xiv. ;  Nation,  XLVIL,  390 
(November  15,  1888);  Forum,  XII.,  740  (January,  1892); 
No7^th  American  Review,  Vol.  150,  p.  370  (March,  1890)  ; 
Popular  Science  Monthly,  XXXNl,,  2^6^  (January,  1890); 
XLIIL,  145,  162  (June,  1893). 

I.  Irrigation  is  of  the  greatest  value  to  this  country.  (a) 

Large  areas  are  now  worthless  without  it.  {b)  One  hundred 

and  twenty  million  acres  are  reclaimable.  (<:)  The  govern- 
ment no  longer  has  any  good  agricultural  land  left.  {d) 

Irrigated  land  is  better  for  agriculture  than  common  land.  

(e)  Irrigation  has  developed  countries  immensely. — (i)  India r 


GOVERNMENT  CONSTRUCTION  OF  IRRIGATION.  14S 


House  Executive  Documents^  1891-1892,  XVIII.,  418-420. — 
(2)  Southern  California  and  New  Mexico. 

II.  Irrigation  is  perfectly  possible  in  this  country.  {a) 

There  is  plenty  of  water  if  it  be  properly  managed.  {Ji) 

The  nature  of  the  soil  is  favorable.  {c)  The  conditions  in 

India,  where  it  has  succeeded,  are  similar  :  House  Executive 
Documents,  1 891-189 2,  XVIII.,  391. 

III.  The  control  of  irrigation  otherwise  than  by  the  gov- 
ernment would  be  unwise.  (a)  The  states  should  not  con- 
trol it. — (i)  River  systems  extend  over  several  states. — (2) 

The  one  nearest  the  head  could  take  all  the  water.  (^) 

Individual  farmers  should  not  control  it. — (i)  It  would  be  on 

too  small  a  scale  to  be  effective  except  in  a  few  places.  (^r) 

Corporations  should  not  control  it. — (i)  It  would  leave  a 
large  number  of  farmers  at  the  mercy  of  water  companies. — 
(2)  It  would  lead  to  the  creation  of  large  estates  and  the 
crushing  out  of  small  holders. — (3)  It  would  lead  to  popular 
hatred  as  in  the  case  of  the  railroads  in  the  West. 

IV.  Irrigation  to  be  successful  must  be  carried  on  by  the 

government.  (a)  It  must  be  on  a  very  large  scale.  (^) 

The  return  on  the  investment,  although  sure,  is  very  slow  at 
first :  House  Executive  Documents^  1 891-189 2,  XVIII.,  416- 

418.  {c)  It  is  necessary  to  wait  for  immigration  to  fill  up 

the  irrigated  land:  Ibid,,  p.  391. 

Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references  :  J.  D.  Whitney,  The  United  States, 
Supplement  I.  ;  House  Reports,  1890-1891,  IV.,  No.  3767, 
p.  6;  Senate  Reports,  1889-1890,  V.,  No.  928,  Part  i,  pp. 
7-8,  167,  Sec.  xxxix.  ;  Review  of  Reviews,  VIII.,  403-406 
(October,  1893);  Eorum,  XII.,  740  (January,  1892). 

I.  The  proposed  system  is  inexpedient.  (//)  It  would  be 

very  expensive.  (/;)  It  would  increase  unwisely  the  civil 

service.  {c)  It  would  divert  public  attention  from  more 


146 


SOCIOLOGY, 


pressing  questions. — (i)  Finance. — (2)  The  tariff. — (3)  La- 
bor. (^d)  Irrigation  might  be  introduced  for  political  mo- 
tives. {e)  Government  construction  is  usually  wasteful : 

Forum,  XII.,  747-750.  (/)  Government  control  is  not 

economical :  Ibid.  (^g)  The  example  of  India  is  not  ap- 
plicable :  The  United  States,  Supplement  I.,  p.  34. 

II.  The  constitutionality  of  such  a  system  is  questionable. 
 {a)  The  power  is  not  specifically  granted  in  the  Consti- 
tution. {b)  Such  power  is  not  easily  inferred. 

III.  Whatever  is  necessary  can  be  done  without  govern- 
ment intervention.  {a)  Private  enterprise  is  the  most  eco- 
nomical:  Forum,  XIL,  747-750.  {p)  Private  capital  is 

able  to  create  and  manage  such  a  system. — (i)  Private  capital- 
ists have  undertaken  such  works  in  the  West. — (x)  In  New 
Mexico. — (2)  Private  capitalists  have  undertaken  equally  large 
operations. — (x)  The  Niagara  Falls  Water  Power  Co. — (y) 
Great  railway  systems. 

IV.  Possible  abuses  can  be  prevented  by  state  and  govern- 
ment oversight:  Forum,  XIL,  740;  Nation,  XLVIL,  390 
(November  15,  1888). 

V.  There  are  many  obstacles  to  irrigation  on  a  large  scale. 

 {a)  Insufficiency  of  water  supply.  {U)  Danger  from 

large  reservoirs.  {c)  Destructive  alkaline  deposits. 

LVI. 

FEDERAL  CONTROL  OF  QUARANTINE. 

Question  :  '  Resolved^  That  a  national  quarantine  act  is 
desirable.  * 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General   references:    Forum,  XIV.,   133  (October, 
1892),  579  (January,  1893)  ;  Ame7^ican  Law  Feview^XXN 
45  (January,  1891);  Congressional  Record,  1878-1879,  pp. 


FEDERAL  CONTROL  OF  QUARANTINE.  147 


1002-1011  (May  I,  1879),  pp.  1024-1028  (May  2,  1879), 
pp.  1507-1520  (May  22,  1879);  1892-1893,  pp.  750-765 
(January  21,  1893),  pp.  793-804  (January  23,  1893)  ;  Nation, 
LVL,  78  (February  2,  1893);  Science,  VL,  23  (July  10, 
1885)  \  X.,  315  (December  30,  1887)  ;  Public  Opinion,  XIV., 
295  (December  31,  1892),  323  (January  7,  1893),  393  (Jan- 
uary 28,  1893),  470  (February  18,  1893);  XV.,  554  (Sep- 
tember 16,  1893). 

I.  State  quarantine  laws  are  inadequate.  {a)  The  lives 

of  citizens  and  the  whole  commerce  of  the  country  are  put  at 

the  mercy  of  local  ignorance  and  negligence.  {b)  The 

handling  of  foreigners  in  the  United  States  is  not  a  fit  matter 
for  state  legislation. — (i)  The  central  authority  is  responsible 

for  all  wrongs  done  to  foreign  subjects.  {c)  States  can  only 

control  vessels  and  goods  within  their  own  limits.  (^) 

Local  boards  are  controlled  by  local  poHticians. — (i)  The 
case  of  New  York  during  the  cholera  epidemic  of  1892. 

II.  State  quarantine  laws  are  needlessly  burdensome.  

{a)  There  is  no  uniformity.  (^)  Commerce  is  impeded. 

— (i)  Needless  rules  and  regulations  are  enacted. — (2)  Ship- 
masters are  unable  to  know  the  regulations  at  every  port  when 

all  are  different. — (3)  Local  authorities  get  scared.  {c) 

State  regulation  is  costly. 

III.  Complete  national  control    is    preferable.  {a)  It 

would  be  just. — (i)  The  danger  is  national,  and  the  inland 

states  ought  to  contribute  to  the  expense.  {p)  It  would 

diminish  the  restrictions  on  travel  and  commerce. — (i)  It 
w^ould  do  away  with  embarrassments  arising  from  lack  of  fa- 
cilities and  the  maladministration  of  local  affairs.  (^)  It 

would  prevent  panic,  allay  anxiety,  and  afford  a  reasonable 

sense  of  security.  {d)  It  would  avoid  the  enforcement  of 

unnecessary  measures. 

IV.  National  control  would  be  more  efficient.  {a)  The 

service  would  be  in  the  charge  of  men  of  training  and  ex- 
perience. {U)  No  misunderstandings  in  regard  to  authority 


148 


SOCIOLOGY. 


would  arise.  (^)  Concentration  of  force,  money,  and  at- 
tention, would  be  practicable  when  necessary.  (^)  Officers 

would  be  free  from  local  politics  and  from  the  commercial  in- 
fluence of  rival  ports.  (<?)  The  objects  of  the  quarantine 

could  be  furthered  by  reliable  consular  reports  and  by  the 
sanitary  inspection  of  emigrants  at  ports  of  embarkation. 

V.  National  control  would  be  constitutional.  (^)  As  a 

regulation  of  commerce  :  S.  F.  Miller,  Lectures  on  the  Consti- 
tution of  the  United  States,  p.  480  ;  T.  M.  Cooley,  Principles 
of  Constitutional  Law,  p.  75;  Nation,  LVL,  78;  Forum, 
XIV.,  579. 

Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references  :  J.  Story,  Commentaries  on  the  Con- 
stitution ,  §§  1017,  1070,  1075;  Congressional  Record,  1879, 
pp.  987-993  (April  30,  1879),  pp.  1002-1011  (May  i, 
1879);  Annals  of  Congress,  1795-1796,  pp.  1349--1359 
(May  12,  1796);  National  Board  of  Health  Bulletin,  II., 
613  (December  4,  1880)  ;  Public  Opinion,  XIV.,  323  (Jan- 
uary 7,  1893)  ;  Nation,  LV.,  178  (September  8,  1892). 

I.  A  national  quarantine  act  would  be  unconstitutional.  

{a)  Congress  has  no  powers  except  those  granted  to  it.  {b) 

The  power  over  commerce  does  not  include  the  quarantine 
power:    Commentaries   on   the  Constitution,    §   1017. — (i) 

Quarantine  regulations  are  regulations  of  health.  -{c)  The 

power  over  quarantine  is  not  granted  by  any  other  clause  in 
the  Constitution. 

II.  A  national  quarantine  act  would  be  impracticable.  

{d)  The  different  sanitary  conditions  of  each  port  render  uni- 
form action  impossible.  {b)  Mismanagement  at  one  port 

is  less  harmful  than  mismanagement  at  all.  {c)  The  differ- 
ences between  local  and  national  authorities  would  lead  to 
jealousies  and  conflicts.  {d)  The  system  would  be  unneces- 
sarily expensive. — (i)  Organization  would  have  to  be  main- 
tained during  periods  when  there  was  little  or  no  need. 


PROHIBITION  OF  SALE  OF  OLEOMARGARINE.  149 


in.  A  national  quarantine  act  would  be  inelastic.  (a) 

Epidemics  require  instantaneous  treatment.  (^)  The  ser- 
vice under  national  regulation  could  not  be  increased  speedily 
or  diminished  readily  when  the  danger  had  passed. — (i)  All 
orders  for  supplies  and  additional  equipment  would  have  to 
come  from  a  headquarters. — (2)  Any  unusual  epidemic  would 
require  special  appropriations  from  Congress. 

IV.  A  national  quarantine  act  would  be  inefficient.  {d) 

No  national  board  would  be  so  careful  in  keeping  out  diseases 

as  local  authorities  are.  (^)  Local  authorities  are  better 

equipped  by  experience  to  meet  local  dangers  than  a  national 
board  would  be. — (i)  No  national  board  would  have  the 
ability  to  cope  with  a  yellow-fever  epidemic  as  has  the  Lou- 
isiana Board  of  Health. 

V.  A  national  quarantine  act  is  unnecessary.  (a)  Local 

quarantines  have  been  highly  satisfactory  in  the  past :  Nation, 
IN.,  178. — (i)  New  York  regulations  are  perfect. — (2)  So 

also  in  Boston.  {b)  Local  equipments  are  ample. — (i)  At 

New  York. — (2)  Boston. — (3)  Norfolk. — (4)  New  Orleans. 


LVIL 

THE  RIGHT  TO  PROHIBIT  THE  SALE  OF  OLEOMARGA- 
RINE. 

Question  :  '  Resolved,  That  each  state  has  the  right  to 
prohibit  the  sale  of  oleomargarine  within  its  limits.' 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  references  :  Powell  v.  Pennsylvania,  127  U.  S., 
678  ;  Mugler  v,  Kansas,  123  U.  S.,  623  ;  Congressional  Rec- 
ord, 1885-1886,  pp.  4869-4870  (May  24,  1886),  p.  4900 
(May  25,  1886)  ;  T.  M.  Cooley,  Co?isfitutional  Li77iitatio7U ^ 
pp.  720,  721,  741. 


SOCIOLOGY. 


I.  The  states  have  the  right  to  exercise  the  police  power. 

 (a)  The  Constitution  gives  to  the  states  all  powers  not 

granted  to  Congress  :  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  .^.mend. 

X.  (^)  The  police  power  is  not  granted  to  Congress  : 

Constitutional  Limitations,  p.  ii,  note  2. 

II.  The  police  power  includes  the  power  to  regulate  health  : 
J.  N.  Pomeroy,  Constitutional  Law,  §  329  ;  T.  M.  Cooley, 

Principles  of  Constitutional  Law,  p.  75.  (a)  Each  state 

has  the  constitutional  right  to  prohibit  the  sale  of  any  article 
which  it  considers  harmful  to  the  public  :  Constitutional  Lim- 
itations, p.  741.  {b)  Nothing  in  the  Fourteenth  Amend- 
ment interferes  with  the  power  of  the  state  to  regulate  health  : 
Powell  V.  Pennsylvania,  127  U.  S.,  678;  J.  N.  Pomeroy, 
Constitutional  Law,  §  329. 

III.  To  prohibit  the  sale  of  oleomargarine  is  a  lawful  exer- 
cise of  the  power  to  regulate  health.  {a)  The  manufacture 

and  sale  of  any  oleaginous  substance  designed  to  take  the 
place  of  butter  may  be  forbidden  though  it  is  healthful  and 
marked  ^  oleomargarine  butter  '  :  Constitutional  Limitations , 

p.  741.  {F)  The  question  as  to  whether  oleomargarine  is 

injurious  is  a  question  of  fact  and  public  policy  which  is  for 
the  legislature  to  determine :  Powell  v.  Pennsylvania,  127 
U.  S.,  685. 

Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references:  Powell  v.  Pennsylvania,  127  U,S., 
687  ;  In  re  Jacobs,  98  K,  98;  The  People  v.  Marx,  99 
N.  v.,  377;  Political  Science  Quarterly,  II.,  545  (Decem- 
ber, 1887)  ;  Massachusetts  State  Board  of  Health,  Nineteenth 
Annual  Report,  1888,  pp.  199-289;  Nation,  XLIIL,  90  (July 
29,  1889)  ;  Foods  and  Food  Adulterants,  United  States  De- 
partment of  Agriculture,  Division  of  Chemistry,  Bulletin  13, 
Part  First. 

I.  Oleomargarine  is  a  pure  article  of  food :  Massachusetts 
State  Board  of  Health,  Nineteenth  Annual  Report,  272; 


LABOR  ORGANIZATIONS. 


Political  Science  Quartei^ly^  II.,  548.  {a)  Not  an  adul- 
teration of  dairy  products.  {U)  Wholesome  and  nutritious. 

 {c)  Resists  rancidity  longer  than  butter. 

II.  No  legislature  has  the  right  to  prohibit  the  sale  of  a  pure 

article  of  food.  {a)  Such  an  act  violates  that  clause  in  the 

Fourteenth  Amendment  which  provides  that  no  one  shall  be 
deprived  of  '  life,  liberty,  or  property,  without  due  process  of 
law/ — (i)  '  Liberty'  here  means  the  freedom  to  do  such  acts 
as  a  man  judges  best  for  his  interests  and  not  inconsistent 
with  the  rights  of  others  :  Powell  v.  Pennsylvania,  127  U.  S., 
692. — (x)  This  includes  the  inalienable  right  to  procure 
healthful  and  nutritious  food. — (y)  Otherwise  the  state  might 
proscribe  the  different  articles  of  healthful  food  that  are  manu- 
factured and  sold  within  its  limits. 

III.  Such  legislation  is  not  justified  under  the  police  pow- 
er. {a)  It  does  not  forbid  what  is  injurious  to  the  health 

and  morals  of  the  people.  {U)  It  does  not  provide  for 

the  peace  or  promote  the  safety  of  the  state.  {/)  Under  the 

mere  guise  of  police  regulations  personal  rights  and  private 

property  cannot  be  invaded.  {d)  The  determination  of 

the  legislature  is  not  final  or  conclusive. 


LABOR. 

LVIII. 

LABOR  ORGANIZATIONS. 

Question  ;  ^  Resolved,  That  labor  organizations  promote 
the  best  interests  of  workingmen.* 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  references:  William  Trant,  Trade  Unio?is  ; 
George  Howell,  The  Conflicts  of  Capital  and  Labor ;  George 


152 


SOCIOLOGY. 


Howell,  Trade  Unionism^  New  and  Old ;  Sidney  and  Beatrice 
Webb,  The  History  of  Trade  Unionism;  G.  von  Schulze- 
Gaevernitz,  Social  Peace ;  Edward  Cummings  in  Quarterly 
Journal  of  Economics,  III.,  403  (July,  1889);  Fortnightly 
Review,  XIV.,  517  (November,  1870). 

I.  Labor  organizations  are  necessary  to  enable  working- 
men  to  deal  with  employers  on  terms  of  equality.  {a)  In 

dealing  individually  with  employers  workingmen  are  at  great 
disadvantage. — (i)  Employers  are  combined. — (2)  Em- 
ployers, through  the  control  of  capital  and  machinery,  have 
control  of  industry. — (3)  Capital  can  wait  for  an'  opening, 
while  labor,  if  not  used,  is  lost.  {U)  Through  labor  organi- 
zations much  of  this  disadvantage  is  overcome. — (i)  In  union 
there  is  strength. — (2)  Business  can  be  carried  on  through  in- 
telligent and  competent  representatives. 

II.  Labor  organizations  have  been  of  great  advantage  to 

workingmen  economically.  {a)  They  have  raised  wages  : 

Trade  Unions,        68-85.  (^)  They  have  shortened  the 

hours  of  labor  :  Trade  Unions,  pp.  86-90.  (<r)  They  have 

secured  factory  regulations.  (^)  They  have  secured  legis- 
lation affecting  the  employment  of  women  and  children.  

(e)  They  have  discouraged  piece-work  and  overtime  work. 

III.  Labor  organizations  have  been  of  great  advantage  mor- 
ally. {d)  They  have  diminished  the  number  of  strikes : 

Trade  Unio7is,  pp.  102-105.  (^)  They  have  encouraged 

frugality  and  economy. — (i)  By  their  system  of  benefits.  

(<r)  They  have  brought  about  the  arbitration  of  labor  disputes 
whenever  possible.  {d)  They  have  established  better  rela- 
tions between  employers  and  employees.  {e)  They  have 

elevated  the  character  of  workingmen. — (i)  By  rules  which 

stigmatize  and  punish  the  idle,  the  vicious,  and  the  unfit.  

(/)  They  have  inculcated  the  spirit  of  mutual  assistance  and 
support. 

IV.  Labor  organizations  have  been  of  great  educational  ad- 
vantage. {a)  By  collecting  and  disseminating  knowledge  re- 


LABOR  ORGANIZATIONS. 


153 


garding  the  state  of  trade.  (^)  By  obtaining  for  the  work- 
ing classes  more  leisure  for  recreation  and  study.  By 

teaching  laborers  the  necessity  of  submitting  to  the  unchange- 
able laws  of  political  economy.  (^)  By  providing  lect- 
ures and  other  means  for  making  members  better  workmen. 

Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references:  Fortnightly  Review,  IX.,  77  (Jan- 
uary, 1868),  437  (April,  1868);  Edinburgh  Review,  Vol. 
130,  p.  390  (October,  1869)  ;  Blackwood' s  Magazine,  Vol. 
102,  p.  487  (October,  1867)  ;  Vol.  107,  p.  554  (May,  1870), 
p.  744  (June,  1870);  Popular  Science  Monthly,  VIII.,  586 
(March,  1876);  XXXIII.,  361  (July,  1888);  Forum,  ^l., 
205  (April,  1891);  Nation,  XXXVII.,  428  (November  22, 
1883)  ;  XLVL,  190  (March  8,  1888),  227  (March  22,  1888); 
XLIL,  418  (May  20,  1886),  440  (May  27,  1886);  LIX., 
5  (Ny  5.  1894). 

I.  Labor  organizations  cannot  permanently  raise  wages. 

 {a)  They  cannot  increase  the  fund  from  which  wages  are 

paid  or  diminish  the  number  among  whom  this  fund  is  dis- 
tributed. {U)  If  wages  rise  at  a  given  time  it  is  due  to  im- 
provements which  increase  profits. 

II.  Labor  organizations  are  disastrous  to  industry.  {a) 

They  turn  capital  from  trade. — (i)  By  harassing  employers. — 

(2)  By  decreasing  profits  and  increasing  risks.  (U)  They 

foster  dissensions  between  employers  and  employees.  {c) 

They  cause  stagnation  in  business  and  great  loss  of  wealth. 
— (i)  By  stopping  industry  through  strikes  and  lock-outs. 

III.  Labor  organizations  are  injurious  to  members.  {a) 

They  have  despotic  powers  which  destroy  the  independence  of 
the  individual  and  make  him  subject  to  ignorant  and  danger- 
ous labor  agitators.  {U)  They  deny  to  men  the  right  to 

dispose  of  their  labor  when  and  where  they  choose.  {c) 

They  insist  on  certain  rules  and  standards  which  reduce  all 


154 


SOCIOLOGY. 


workingmen  to  a  level  and  which  prevent  individuals  from 
bettering  their  condition.  (^)  They  sanction  strikes,  vio- 
lence, outrage,  and  even  murder.  (<?)  They  teach  wrong 

views  of  political  economy.  (/)  They  order  strikes  when 

there  is  no  grievance. — (i)  Sympathetic  strikes.  (g)  They 

lead  men  to  be  dissatisfied  with  their  station  in  life,  to  hate 
capitalists,  and  to  attempt  by  violence  to  bring  about  a  change 
in  the  present  social  order. 

LIX. 

A  LABOR  PARTY. 

Question  :  ^  Resolved,  That  the  best  interests  of  the  labor- 
ing classes  would  be  advanced  by  the  formation  of  a  separate 
labor  party. ' 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  references  :  R.  T.  Ely,  The  Labor  Movement 
in  America  ;  Edward  Everett,  Lecture  07t  the  Working  Men^ s 
Party ;  R.  T.  Ely,  ^Recent  American  Socialism,'  in  Johns 
Hopkins  University  Studies,  III.,  No.  IV.,  pp.  276-283  ;  Na- 
tional Review,  XXIII.,  637  (July,  1894)  ;  Nineteenth  Cen- 
tury, XXXII.,  864-898  (December,  1892);  XXXVII.,  i 
(January,  1895)  ;  Public  Opinion,  XII.,  317  (January  9, 
1892);  XV.,  567  (September  16,  1893);  XVI.,  313  (Janu- 
ary 4,  1894),  338  (January  11,  1894). 

I.  The  laboring  classes  have  interests  which  can  only  be 

advanced  by  political  associations.  {a)  Matters  requiring 

state  and  national  legislation. — (i)  The  limiting  of  the  hours  of 
the  working  day. — (2)  The  restriction  of  foreign  immigration. 
— (3)  The  restriction  of  the  power  of  trusts  and  corporations. 
—  (4)  The  abolition  of  overtime,  piece-work,  and  child  labor, 
in  factories. — (5)  Securing  a  tax  on  the  unearned  increment 
and  a  graduated  income  tax. — (6)  Relief  for  the  unemployed. 


A  LABOR  PARTY. 


155 


II.  None  of  the  great  political  parties  advance  the  interests 

of  the  laboring  classes.  {a)  The  legislators  of  the  great 

parties  represent  the  capitalistic  class. — (i)  They  are  sub- 
sidized with  passes  on  railroads  and  in  other  ways.  (/^) 

The  old  parties  have  pet  theories  of  their  own  to  work  for. 
 (<r)  They  have  little  real  sympathy  with  the  labor  move- 
ment.— (i)  Their  seeming  interest  is  only  to  secure  the  labor 
vote. 

III.  A  separate  labor  party  would  advance  the  interests  of 
laborers.  {d)  It  would  give  accurate  and  definite  expres- 
sion to  the  needs  of  the  laboring  classes.  (^)  It  would 

unite  and  bring  into  solid  organization  men  interested  in  se- 
curing a  common  end.  (<r)  It  would  have  great  educational 

advantage. — (i)  In  bringing  principles  before  the  people. — 

(2)  Through  agitation.  {d)  It  would  force  the  old  parties 

to  action. — (i)  Even  if  the  labor  party  did  not  have  a  major- 
ity its  numbers  would  secure  more  regard  for  the  interests  of 

laborers.  {e)  The  ballot  is  the  best  possible  evidence  of 

strength,  and  the  growth  which  it  registers  would  encourage 

and  stimulate  adherents.  (/)  A  labor  party  has  been  very 

successful  in  England. 

Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references  :  Westminster  Review^  Vol.  132, 
p.  581  (December,  1889)  ;  Public  Opinion^  II.,  279  (January 
15,  1887);  XI.,  352  (July  18,  1891)  ;  Spectator,  LXX.,  39 
(January  14,  1893);  LXXIIL,  330  (September  15,  1894), 
879  (December  22,  1894). 

I.  A  labor  party  is  impracticable.  {a)  A  union  of  all 

the  laboring  classes  in  one  organization  is  impossible. — (i) 
Workingmen  differ  widely  as  to  what  their  best  interests  are 
and  as  to  the  best  means  of  advancing  them. — (x)  Some 
workingmen  favor  the  eight-hour  movement  and  some  do  not. 
— (y)  Some  join  trade  unions  and  some  do  not. — (z)  Some 
favor  state  aid  and  some  do  not. — (2)  A  union  of  all  the 


156 


SOCIOLOGY. 


working  classes  is  not  more  possible  than  a  union  of  the  in- 
tellectual classes. — (x)  There  is  no  real  community  of  inter- 
est.— (y)  There  are  great  differences  between  skilled  and  un- 
skilled laborers. — (z)  There  are  great  differences  between 
different  trades. 

II.  A  separate  labor  party  is  unnecessary.  {a)  Laborers 

have  no  real  interests  apart  from  the  rest  of  the  community. — 
(i)  Capital  and  labor  are  both  necessary  to  carry  on  industry, 
and  one  cannot  succeed  at  the  expense  of  the  other. — (2)  Any 
temporary  advantages  which  a  labor  party  might  secure  would 

ultimately  result  in  harm  to  the  class  as  a  whole.  (J?)  All 

just  demands  on  the  part  of  laborers  for  legislation  are  carried 
out  by  the  existing  parties. — (i)  Most  states  have  enacted 
laws  providing  for  factory  regulations,  protecting  female  and 
child  labor,  limiting  the  hours  of  labor,  and  securing  other 
beneficient  changes., 

III.  A  labor  party  is  undesirable.  {d)  Such  a  party 

would  have  a  most  baneful  effect  upon  society. — (i)  If  it  were 
successful  everything  goes  to  show  that  it  would  try  to  bring 
about  rampant  socialism. — (2)  Even  if  it  were  not  successful 
it  would  divide  the  country  into  two  classes. — (x)  It  would 
array  capital  and  labor  against  each  other  in  fierce  and  un- 
compromising strife. — (3)  It  would  increase  the  tendency 
toward  disorder,  lawlessness,  and  social  revolution. 

LX. 

THE  EIGHT-HOUR  DAY. 

Question  :  'Resolved,  That  an  eight-hour  working  day 
should  be  adopted  within  the  United  States  bylaw.' 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  references  :  Sidney  Webb  and  Harold  Cox, 
The  Eight  Hours  Day  ;  George  Gunton,  Wealth  and  Progress, 


THE  EIGHT-HOUR  DAY. 


157 


pp.  240-382  ;  John  Rae,  Eight  Hours  for  Work  ;  R.  A.  Had- 
field  and  H.  de  B.  Gibbins,  A  Shorter  Working  Day  ;  Eighth 
Annual  Report  of  New  York  Bureau  of  Statistics  of  Labor, 
1890,  Part  I.  ;  North  American  Review,  Vol.  150,  p.  464 
(April,  1890);  Forum,  I.,  136  (April,  1886);  Nineteenth 
Century,  XXVI.,  21  (July,  1889),  509  (September,  1889)  ; 
XXVII.,  553  (April,  1890)  ;  Contemporary  Review,  LVI.,  859 
(December,  1889)  ;  West^ninster  Review,  Vol.  134,  p.  642 
(December,  1890);  Public  Opinion,  I.,  69  (May  8,  1886); 
IX.,  55  (April  26,  1890),  79  (May  3,  1890),  104  (May  10, 
1890). 

I.  An  eight-hour  day  would  not  be  economically  disadvan- 
tageous. {a)  Production  would  not  be  diminished. — (i) 

The  successive  reductions  of  the  hours  of  labor  in  this  century 
have  been  followed  by  an  increase  rather  than  a  diminution  of 
production :  A  Shorter  Working  Day,  p.  88. — (2)  The 
amount  of  production  depends  largely  on  the  intellectual  and 
moral  status  of  the  producers. — (3)  More  laborers  would 
be  absorbed. — (4)  Invention  and  the  use  of  new  machinery 

would  be  stimulated.  (J))  Wages  generally  would  more 

likely  be  raised  than  lowered  :   The  Eight  Hours  Day,  pp. 

94-102,  110-114.  {c)  The  total  export  trade  would  not 

be  diminished. — (i)  Similar  reductions  of  hours  in  former 
times  have  not  diminished  the  export  trade. — (2)  Competition 
is  keenest  now  where  hours  are  shortest. — (3)  Other  countries 

are  increasing  their  factory  legislation.  {d)  Demand  and 

supply  in  the  aggregate  would  not   be  diminished.  {e) 

Prices  generally  would  not  be  affected  :  The  Eight  Hours 
Day,  pp.  114-115- 

II.  An  eight-hour  day  would  be  beneficial  socially.  {a) 

It  would  take  away  much  of  the  poverty  of  the  masses. — (i) 
By  giving  work  to  many  of  the  unemployed  :   Wealth  and 

Progress,  pp.  251-256.  (b)  It  would  improve  the  health 

of  working  people. — (i)  They  would  not  have  to  spend  so 
much  time  under  unhealthy  conditions.  (c)  It  would  add 


158 


SOCIOLOGY. 


to  intelligence  and  culture. — (i)  More  time  could  be  given 

to  reading,  to  lectures,  and  to  evening  schools.  (^)  It 

would  raise  the  standard  of  living. — (i)  Workingmen  would 

have  more  varied  wants  and  the  means  to  gratify  them.  (<f) 

It  would  promote  better  citizenship  :  Wealth  and  Progress, 
PP-  373-377. 

III.  An  eight-hour  day  has  been  successful  wherever  intro- 
duced. {a)   In    Australia  :     C.  W.  Dilke,  Problems  of 

Greater  Britam,  II.,  285-286.  {U)    In  England:  The 

Eight  Honrs  Day,  pp.  254-264;   A  Shorter  Working  Day, 

Chap.  vii.  and  Appendix  I.  {c)    In  the  United  States. — 

(i)  The  experience  of  the  United  States  government. 

IV.  An  eight-hour  day  should  be  adopted  by  law.  {a) 

The  voluntary  adoption  by  employers  is  improbable.  {U) 

Intelligent  legislation  is  better  than  violent  agitation  and 

strikes  by  labor  organizations.  (<:)   Legal  enactment  is 

necessary  to  secure  uniformity  and  enforcement. 

Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references  :  J.  M.  Robertson,  The  Eight  Hours 
Question;  F.  A.  Walker  in  Atlantic  Monthly,  LXV.,  800 
(June,  1890)  ;  National  Review,  XVI.,  496  (December, 
1890)  ;  Fortnightly  Review,  LIIL,  440  (March,  1890)  ;  Con- 
temporary Review,  LVIL,  240  (February,  1890);  Westmin- 
ster Review,  Vol.  139,  p.  526  (May,  1893)  ;  Lippincotf  s 
Magazine,  II.,  527  (November,  1868);  Spectator,  LXIL, 
392  (March  23,  1889)  ;  Nation,  I.,  517  (October  26,  1865), 
615  (November  16,  1865)  ;  III.,  412  (November  22,  1866)  ; 
VIL,  6  (July  2,  1868)  ;  X.,  399  (June  23,  1870). 

I.  An  eight-hour  law  would  be  harmful  to  industry.  {a) 

It  would  decrease  wages:    Atlantic  Monthly,  LXV.,  808; 

Nation,  III.,  413.  (U)  It  would  decrease  production: 

The  Eight  Hours  Question,  pp.  62-69. — (i)  A  man  cannot 
do  as  much  work  in  eight  hours  as  he  can  in  ten. — (2)  Much 


THE  EIGHT-HOUR  DAY. 


159 


work  is  done  by  machinery  which  could  not  l)e  increased  in 
speed.  (c)  It  would  depress  domestic  trade. — (i)  By  rais- 
ing prices:  77ie  Eight  Hours  Question,  pp.  69-75.  {ji^  It 

would  give  an  impetus  to  foreign  trade. — (i)  Goods  manu- 
factured under  an  eight-hour  system  could  not  compete  with 

those  manufactured  under  a  system  of  longer  hours.  (^)  It 

is  no  argument  to  say  that  since  hours  have  been  reduced  with 
good  results  from  twelve  to  ten  they  ought  further  to  be  re- 
duced from  ten  to  eight. 

II.  An  eight-hour  law  is  unnecessary.  {a)  More  than 

eight  hours  work  does  not  overtax  either  mental  or  manual  la- 
borers. {F)  Not  all  workmen  desire  the  change.  {c) 

Great  industrial  success  and  prosperity  has  been  obtained 
without  such  legislation. 

III.  An  eight-hour  law  would  be  unjust.  {a)  In  some 

industries  men  can  reasonably  work  longer  than  in  others. 

 (J?)  In  some  trades  work  is  carried  on  more  months  in  the 

year  than  in  others.  {c)  Job  work  would  be  discriminated 

against. 

IV.  An  eight-hour  law  would  be  inexpedient.  {a)  The 

state  should  interfere  only  when  necessary  to  protect  life  and 

limb.  {b)  This  legislation  would  be  destructive  to  the 

self-reliance  of  the  community.  {c)  No  man  has  the  moral 

right  to  tell  another  how  long  he  shall  work.  {if)  The 

measure  would  not  help  the  problem  of  the  unemployed  :  At- 
lantic Monthly,  LXV.,  809. — (i)  The  majority  of  the  unem- 
ployed are  not  fitted  for  skilled  work.  (/)  The  law  would 

increase  the  sweating  system.  (/)  It  is  not  certain  that  the 

time  gained  would  be  well  spent.  {£)  There  are  forces  at 

work  which  will  bring  about  the  result  whenever  it  is  really 
desirable. 


l6o  SOCIOLOGY. 


LXI. 

GENERAL  BOOTH'S  EMPLOYMENT  SYSTEM. 

Question  :  '  Resolved,  That  General  Booth's  employment 
system  as  outlined  in  '  Darkest  England  '  should  be  adopted 
in  this  country. ' 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  references  :  General  Booth,  In  Darkest  Eng- 
land and  the  Way  Out ;  Review  of  Reviews  (English  edition), 
IL,  492  (November,  1890)  ;  New  Review,  IIL,  489  (Decem- 
ber, 1890);  VIL,  493  (October,  1892);  National  Review, 
XVL,  781  (February,  1891)  ;  Westminster  Review,  Vol. 
135,  p.  429  (April,  1891)  ;  Contemporary  Review,  LVIIL, 
796  (December,  1890)  ;  Quarterly  Journal  of  Economics, 
v.,  I  (October,  1890);  Formn,  XIL,  751,  762  (February, 
1892);  XVII.,  52  (March,  1894). 

I.  Conditions  in  this  country  demand  an  extensive  scheme 
for  the  relief  of  the  unemployed. 

II.  This  demand  can  best  be  met  by  applying  the  scheme 
of  General  Booth,  which  is  for  a  system  of  colonization,  con- 
sisting of — (i)  Home  shelters. — (2)  Farm  colonies. — (3)  Emi- 
gration colonies :  ///  Darkest  England  and  the  Way  Out,  pp. 
90-93- 

III.  The  scheme  of  General  Booth  is  scientific.  {a)  It 

rebuilds  character.  {U)  Takes  away  temptation.  {c) 

Protects  the  community  by  isolating  the  unfit.  {d)  De- 
creases vagrancy:  Quarterly  Journal  of  Economics,  V.,  14. 

 {e)  Reverses  the  tide  from  cities.  (/)  Discriminates 

between  the  deserving  and  undeserving.  {g)  Diminishes 

promiscuous  charity. 

IV.  General  Booth's  scheme  is  practical.  {a)  It  has 

been  successful  as  far  as  applied  in  England  :  Eorum,  XIL, 


GENERAL  BOOTH'S  EMPLOYMENT  SYSTEM.  l6l 


762-771.  Its  principles  have  long  been  in  use  in  Ger- 
many :   Quarterly  Journal  of  Economics ,  V.,  6-22.  {c)  It 

is  the  cheapest  method  of  caring  for  vagrants. 

V.  General  Booth's  scheme  is  adaptable  to  this  country. 
 {a)  The  conditions  in  this  country  and  England  are  simi- 
lar. {F)  The  plan  has  already  had  some  application  here. 

— (i)  Home  shelters  have  been  established. — (2)  An  industrial 
farm  was  operated  1874-1888  at  Plainfield,  New  Jersey: 
Forum,  XVII.,  58. — (3)  The  principle  of  deportation  has  had 
the  best  results  in  the  work  of  the  Children's  Aid  Society  of 
New  York  City. 

Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references  :  General  Booth,  In  Darkest  Eng- 
land and  the  Way  Out ;  W.  J.  Ashley  in  Political  Science 
Quainter ly,  VI.,  537  (September,  1891)  ;  Church  Quarterly 
Review,  XXXII.,  223  (April,  1891)  ;  Contemporary  Review, 
LXIL,  59  (July,  1892)  ;  National  Review,  XVI.,  697  (Jan- 
uary, 1 891)  ;  Forum,  XV.,  753  (August,  1893). 

I.  The  whole  scheme  is  adapted  to  but  a  small  portion  of 

the  needy,  viz.:  the  homeless.   {a)  It  is  applicable  to 

unencumbered  individuals  and  not  to  families  :  Contemporary 
Review,  LXIL,  64.  {U)  The  class  of  homeless  unem- 
ployed does  not  require  so  great  a  scheme  :  Ibid, 

II.  The  scheme  is  objectionable  even  for  the  homeless.  

{a)  The  city  colony  is  objectionable. — (i)  The  shelters  en- 
courage vagrancy  and  dissolution  of  family  ties  by  wife  deser- 
tion :  Contemporary  Review,  LXIL,  65-66. — (2)  The  *  Ele- 
vators '  attract  but  a  few. — (3)  The  occupants  become  de- 
pendent on  charity. — (4)  The  labor  bureaus  have  but  slight 
advantage. — (x)  Employers  distrust  applicants. — (y)  Salvation 
Army  sympathizers  discriminate  against  other  workmen. — 
(S)  The  '  Salvage  Brigade '  is  unnecessary. 

III.  The  farm  colony  is  objectionable.  {a)  Few  patron- 
ize the  farm  any  length  of  time:    Forum,  XIL,  757. — (i) 

II 


SOCIOLOGY. 


Because  of  dislike  for  farm  work. — (2)  Because  of  lack  of  city 
allurements. — (3)  On  account  of  the  stigma  of  being  known 
as  an  object  of  charity.  (J?)  The  farm  colony  is  objection- 
able for  colonists. — (i)  It  makes  them  wiUingly  dependent : 
Contemporary  Review,  LXIL,  76. — (2)  Colonists  are  dis- 
criminated against  by  employers  on  leaving.  (c)  Farm 

colonies  lower  wages  in  their  neighborhood.  {d)  Farm 

colonies  are  exceedingly  hard  to  manage. 

IV.  The  over-sea  colony  is  objectionable.  (a)  It  is  very 

difficult  to  procure  suitable  land.  {b)  Few  farm  graduates 

are  wilHng  to  return  to  ordinary  life.  {c)  Those  who  do 

return  have  doubtful  successes. 


LXIL 

A  NATIONAL  BOARD  OF  ARBITRATION  FOR  RAILROAD 
DISPUTES. 

Question  :  '  Resolved,  That  there  should  be  a  national  board 
of  arbitration  for  matters  in  dispute  between  employers  and 
employees  on  inter-state  railroads,  and  that  this  board  should 
be  given  compulsory  powers. ' 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  references  :  C.  D.  Wright,  Industrial  Concilia- 
tion and  Arbitration  ;  J.  S.  Lowell,  Lidustrial  Arbitration  and 
Conciliation  ;  United  States  Strike  Commission,  Report  on  the 
Chicago  Strike;  abstract  in  Public  Opinion,  XVIL,  809 
(November  22,  1894);  C.  D.  Wright  in  Forum,  XVIII., 
425  (December,  1894)  ;  Lyman  Abbott  in  Arena,  VIL,  30 
(December,  1892);  Atlantic  Monthly,  LXVIL,  34  (January, 
189 1) ;  Journal  of  Social  Science,  No.  XXVIII. ,  p.  86 
(October,  1891)  ;  No.  XXXL,  p.  Ixiii  (January,  1894); 
Arena,  VIL,  306  (February,  1893);  Century ^  XXXL,  946 
(April,  1886). 


A  NATIONAL  BOARD  OF  ARBITRATION.  1 63 


I.  Labor  disputes  on  inter-state  railroads  demand  prompt 

and  decisive  action.  (a)  A  large  number  of  employees  are 

concerned.  (/^)  Public  interests  are  affected. — (i)  Rail- 
roads have  great  economic  importance.  (r)  The  public 

have  a  legal  right  to  continued  operation. — (i)  Railroads  are 

common  carriers.  (/^Z)  Congress  has  power  over  inter-state 

commerce. 

II.  All  other  methods  for  the  prevention  of  strikes  and  for 

the  peaceful  settlement  of  disputes  are  ineffectual.  (a) 

Voluntary  arbitration  is  not  binding.  (^)  Conciliation 

does  not  bring  about  the  wished-for  results.  (c)  State  in- 
terference in  inter-state  traffic  is  impossible. 

III.  A  national  board  would  give  the  most  efficient  and 
satisfactory  solution.  (a)  It  would  be  composed  of  men  ex- 
perienced in  railroad  matters  and  personally  disinterested.  

(^)  Efficiency  and  promptness  would  be  secured  by  the  com- 
pulsory power.  (r)  The  board  would  have  the  respect  of 

all  parties  concerned. 

IV.  Experience  in  the  past  demands  such  a  board  for  the 

future.  (a)  Where  fairly  tried  compulsory  arbitration  has 

been  effectual. — (i)  The   Conseils   des   Prud   'homines  in 

France:  Century,  IX.,  947.  (J?)  Public  interference  is 

necessary  where  business  is  of  public  importance. — (i)  The 
coal  strike  in  England:  Spectator,  LXXII.,  705. — (2)  The 
London  cab  strike :  The  Times  (London),  June  7-9,  1894. — 
(3)  The  strike  in  Chicago  in  1894. 

Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references:  T.  M.  Cooley  in  Forum,  I.,  307 
(June,  1886);  XVIII.,  14-19  (September,  1894)  ;  CD. 
Wright  in  Forwn,  XV.,  323  (May,  1893)  ;  Aretia,  VII.,  587 
(April,  1893)  ;  Quarterly  Jmirnal  of  Economics,  I.,  497 
(July,  1887)  ;  Nation,  XLIL,  354  (April  29,  1886)  ;  LIX., 
42  (July  19,  1894),  376  (November  22,  1894)  ;  Public  Opin- 
ion, XVII.,  809-811  (November  22,  1894),  832  (November 
29,  1894),  863  (December  6,  1894). 


SOCIOLOGY. 


I.  A  national  board  of  arbitration  is  not  needed.  (a) 

Any  legal  claim  can  be  enforced  in  the  regular  courts.  (^) 

If  the  regular  courts  have  not  power  enough  they  can  be  given 
it  by  law. 

II.  Compulsory  arbitration  is  impracticable.  (<2)  Arbi- 
tration must  be  voluntary:  Forum,  XVIII.,  15.  (J?)  At- 
tempts at  compulsory  arbitration  have  failed  :  Quarterly  Jour- 
nal of  Economics,  I.,  497.  {/)  Compulsory  arbitration  is 

unjust  in  its  working. — (i)  The  decision  can  be  enforced  only 
against  the  corporation  and  not  against  the  men  :  Nation^ 
LIX.,376;  Public  Opinion,  XVII.,  842.  (^)  The  de- 
cisions would  not  be  respected. — (i)  The  commission  would 
not  be  a  court,  but  a  mixture  of  court  and  administrative 
board.— (2)  It  is  likely  that  the  personnel  of  the  commission 
would  deteriorate. — (x)  That  of  the  Inter-state  Commerce 

Commission  has.  (^)  Many  disputes  cannot  be  arbitrated. 

— (i)  The  Chicago  strike  :  Forum,  XVIII.,  16. 

III.  The  commission  would  be  opposed  to  business  prin- 
ciples. (^a)  It  would  be  inquisitorial  and  meddling. — (i) 

It  would  give  a  share  of  the  management  of  a  business  to 

others  than  the  owners.  {F)  It  would  be  oppressive. — (i) 

Railroads  are  already  interfered  with  enough  by  commissions. 
— (2)  It  would  interfere  with  right  of  private  contract. 

IV.  The  commission  would  be  opposed  to  progress.  (a) 

Workingmen  should  not  be  treated  as  children  :  Nation,  LIX., 

376.  (J))  It  would  check  the  growth  of  trade  unions: 

Public  Opinion,  XVII.,  863.  (c)  Is  opposed  by  labor 

leaders:  Public  Opinion,  XVII.,  832. 


CONTRACT  SYSTEM  EMPLOYING  CONVICT  LABOR.  165 


LXIII. 

THE  CONTRACT  SYSTEM  OF  EMPLOYING  CONVICT 
LABOR. 

Question  :  '  Resolved,  That  the  contract  system  of  employ- 
ing convict  labor  ought  to  be  abolished.' 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  references  :  Second  Annual  Report  of  the  Corn' 
missioner  of  Labor,  1886;  Illinois  Bureau  of  Labor  Statis- 
tics, Fourth  Biennial  Report,  i%^6,  Part  I.  ;  Michigan  Bureau 
of  Labor  Statistics,  Fourth  Annual  Report,  1887;  Princeton 
Review,  V.,  225  (March,  1880). 

I.  The  contract  system  hinders  the  reformation  of  prisoners. 

 {a)  A  diversity  of  employment  suitable  for  the  different 

capacities  of  prisoners  and  necessary  for  their  moral  well- 
being  is  made  impossible.  {F)  The  comparatively  inno- 
cent and  the  most  depraved  are  kept  in  daily  contact.  {c) 

New  contracts  bring  new  organization,  and  this  destroys  much 

of  the  benefit  of  industry.  {d')  Prisoners  are  given  routine 

machine  work  which  httle  prepares  them  for  a  successful  ca- 
reer when  they  leave  the  prison. 

II.  The  contract  system  interferes  with  prison  discipline  : 

Illinois  Report,  pp.  88-92.  (a)  The  controlling  authority 

of  the  prison  is  divided.  (^)  The  association  of  convicts 

with  the  outside  employees  of  contractors  is  demoralizing. 

 {c)  The  reporting  of  convicts  by  the  agents  of  contractors 

gives  rise  to  abuses.  {d)  It  is  the  intention  of  the  law  and 

for  the  best  interest  of  society  that  the  terms  of  the  best  pris- 
oners be  shortened,  but  it  is  for  the  interest  of  the  contractors 
that  the  men  be  kept  in  prison. 

III.  The  contract  system  injures  free  industry  :  United 


SOCIOLOGY. 


States  Report,  pp.  325,  344,  365-366,  373-37^  ;  Illinois  Re- 
port, pp.  92-124.  {a)  It  reduces  the  wages  of  outside 

laborers.  {F)  It  drives  manufacturers  out  of  business. — (i) 

Contractors  have  undue  advantages. — (2)  The  whole  effect  of 
competition  falls  on  a  few  industries. 

IV.  A  system  of  work  on  public  account  without  machinery 
is  preferable  :  Illinois  Report,  p.  135  ;  Michigan  Report,  p. 

216.  {a)  The  entire  management  of  the  prison  can  be 

united  under  one  head.  {b)  Any  change  which  public  pol- 
icy may  demand  is  possible.  Hand  labor  is  wise. — (i) 

It  gives  prisoners  a  trade  requiring  intelligence  and  skill. — 
(2)  It  does  not  offer  injurious  competition  to  outside  indus- 
try. 

V.  The  contract  system  has  been  abandoned  by  leading 
states  after  a  thorough  trial:  Illinois  Report,  pp.  137-142. 

 {a)  New  York.  {F)  Pennsylvania.  {c)  Ohio.  

(^)  New  Jersey.  {e)  California. 

Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references  :  Second  Annual  Report  of  the 
Commissioner  of  Labor,  1886  ;  Massachusetts  Bureau  of 
Statistics  of  Labor,  Tenth  Annual  Report,  1879,  Part  II.; 
Princeton  Review,  XL,  196  (March,  1883)  ;  Forum,  VI.,  414 
(December,  1888);  Nation,  XL.,  194  (March  5,  1885); 
XLV.,  88  (August  4,  1887)  ;  Science,  VIL,  28  (January  8, 
1886),  68  (January  22,  1886). 

I.  Convicts  must  be  employed  :  United  States  Report,  pp. 

316,  328,  382,  383.  {a)  To  keep  prisoners  in  idleness  is 

cruel  and  demoralizing. — (i)  It  produces  physical  degener- 
acy and  leads  to  insanity. 

II.  Four  systems  of  employment  are  open :  United  States 
Report,  p.  4.  {a)  The  lease  system.  {f)  The  piece- 
price  system.  if)  The  pubhc-account  system.  (^)  The 

contract  system. 


CONTRACT  SYSTEM  EMPLOYING  CONVICT  LABOR.     1 67 


III.  The  lease  system  is  objectionable  ;  G.  W.  Cable,  The 
Silent  South,  p.  115  ;  Century,  XXVII.,  582  (March,  1884)  ; 
United  States  Report,  p.  381.  (a)  It  reduces  to  a  mini- 
mum the  chances  of  reformation. — (i)  The  only  object  of  the 
lessee  is  to  make  money. — (2)  Moral  regeneration  is  com- 
pletely lost  sight  of.  (b)  Prisoners  are  treated  as  animals 

rather  than  as  human  beings.  The  system  makes  pos- 
sible the  infliction  of  greater  punishment  than  the  courts  im- 
pose. 

IV.  The  piece  -  price  system  is  objectionable.  {a)  It 

offers  more  serious  competition  to  free  industry  than  the  other 
systems. — (i)  More  goods  are  turned  out  and  a  lower  price  is 

paid  for  them.  {b^  It  is  very  expensive  for  the  state.  

(c)  It  failed  in  New  Jersey,  where  it  had  its  best  trial. 

V.  The  public  -  account  system  is  objectionable  :  United 

States  Report,  p.  380.  {a)  It  is  not  a  legitimate  office  for 

the  state  to  conduct  manufactures.  (J?)  To  manage  the 

business  industries  and  conduct  the  administration  of  a  prison 
requires  a  degree  of  experience  and  tact  which  can  rarely  be 
found  in  a  warden. — (i)  Private  enterprise  is  more  attractive. 

— (2)  Wages  are  not  sufficient  to  tempt  the  best  men.  {/) 

The  system  is  costly  :  Illinois  Report,  31-34. — (i)  The 
large  amount  of  funds  leads  to  speculation,  mismanagement, 
and  extravagance. — (2)  The  prison  is  likely  to  be  run  by  in- 
competents who  get  places  through  the  political  machines. — 
(3)  With  the  state  for  a  master  officers  are  careless  and  busi- 
ness is  neglected. — (4)  The  state  cannot  buy  and  sell  as  well 

as  an  individual.  {d)  The  system  is  injurious  to  free  labor  : 

United  States  Report,  p.  310.  (^)  Prisoners  are  forced  to 

be  idle  when  trade  is  bad.  (/)  The  system  has  failed  sig- 
nally where  it  has  been  tried. — (i)  In  New  York  :  Prince- 
ton Review,  XI.,  210. — (2)  In  Illinois  :  Illinois  Report,  ^.  7^^. 

VI.  The  contract  system  is  the  best  yet  devised.  (a) 

From  a  moral  standpoint. — (i)  The  system  is  eminently  hu- 
mane.— (2)  It  has  been  very  successful  in  reforming  the  lives 
of  prisoners. — (3)  It  gives  a  means  to  the  convict  of  earning  a 


i68 


SOCIOLOGY. 


livelihood  when  he  leaves  prison,  and  thus  prevents  him  from 
relapsing  into  his  old  ways. — (4)  It  does  not  interfere  with 
prison  discipline:  United  States  Report^  p.  311. — (x)  Con- 
tractors cannot  control  or  interfere  with  the  prison  manage- 
ment. 

VII.  The  contract  system  is  best  from  an  economic  stand- 
point. id)  It  is  the  most  remunerative. — (i)  It  makes  the 

prison  self-supporting:   Natio?i,  XL.,  194;  Illinois  Report, 

pp.  34-38.  (F)  It  is  not  so  injurious  to  free  industry  as 

other  systems. — (i)  The  conditions  are  more  nearly  normal. 
 (c)  It  furnishes  constant,  regular,  and  diversified  employ- 
ment. (d)  It  avoids  all  business  risk  for  the  state.  (^) 

It  simplifies  prison  management. — (i)  It  is  not  necessary 

that  the  warden  should  be  an  expert  manufacturer.  (/) 

Contractors  do  not  make  larger  profits  than  other  business 
men  :  United  States  Report,  p.  345. 

LXIV. 

MUNICIPAL  AID  FOR  THE  UNEMPLOYED. 

Question  :  ^  Resolved,  That  in  times  of  depression  munici- 
palities should  give  work  to  the  unemployed.' 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  references:  Stanton  Coit  in  Forum,  XVII., 
276  (May,  1894);  C.  C.  Closson  in  Quarterly  Journal  of 
Economics,  VIII.,  168  (January,  1894),  453  (July,  1894)  ; 
John  Burns  in  Nineteenth  Century,  XXXII.,  845  (December, 
1892);  Review  of  Reviews,  IX.,  29  (January,  1894),  179 
(February,  1894);  Forum,  XVI.,  655  (February,  1894); 
Fortnightly  Review,  LX.,  454  (October,  1893),  741  (Decem- 
ber, 1893)  ;  Arena,  IX.,  822  (May,  1894). 


MUNICIPAL  AID  KOR  THE  UNEMPLOYED.  169 


I.  In  times  of  depression  relief  for  the  unemployed  is  neces- 
sary. (^a)  To  assist  the  individual. — (i)  Great  privation 

and  suffering.  (^)  To  protect   the  state. — (i)   A  large 

number  of  destitute  is  a  menace  to  public  safety. 

II.  Relief  should  be  administered  through  work.  (^a) 

The  danger  of  humiliating  or  pauperizing  the  recipient  is  thus 

avoided  :   Forum^  XVII.,  276.  (^)  The  worthy  can  be 

separated  from  the  worthless:  Forum^  XVI.,   660.  {c) 

Laws  regarding  vagrancy  can  be  more  easily  enforced. 

III.  This  work  should  be   furnished  by  municipalities. 

 {a)  Private  attempts  are  inadequate  :  Forum,  XNll.,  2"]"], 

 (J?)  Municipalities  have  more  work,  and  work  of  a  sim- 
pler kind,  than  have  individuals.  Munici  pah  ties  have 

better  facilities  for  ascertaining  the  number  and  circumstances 
of  the  unemployed. 

IV.  The  difficulties  attributed  to  municipal  aid  are  not  in- 
herent. (a)  Money  can  be  obtained  by  the  issue  of  bonds  : 

Forum,  XVII.,  281-282.  ^(^b)  Relief  can  be  limited  to 

members  of  the  municipahty.  (r)  The  administration  can 

be  intrusted  to  an  outside  non-partisan  commission. 

Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references  :  D.  McG.  Means  in  Forum,  XVII., 
287  (May,  1894)  ;  C.  C.  Closson  in  Qitarterly  Journal  of 
Economics,  VIII.,  168  (January,  1894),  453  (July,  1894); 
Reviezu  of  Reviews,  IX.,  29,  38  (January,  1894),  179  (Feb- 
ruary, 1894);  Nation,  LVIL,  481  (December  28,  1893); 
LIX.,  6  (July  5,  1894)  ;  Public  Opinion,  XVI.,  121  (Novem- 
ber 9,  1893);  Spectator,  LIX.,  1473  (November  6,  1886); 
Political  Science  Quai'terly,  III.,  282  (June,  1888). 

I.  Municipal  aid  is  impracticable.  {a)  Manual  labor 

only  can  be  furnished,  and  for  this  the  majority  of  the  unem- 
ployed are  unquahfied  :   Nation,  LVIL,  482.  (/;)  The 

work  done  is  likely  to  be  unsatisfactory  :  Nation,  LIX.,  6, 


I/O 


SOCIOLOGY. 


II.  Municipal  aid  is  inadvisable.  — — (a)  It  does  not  dis- 
criminate between  the  deserving  and  the  undeserving.  {b) 

It  injures  those  in  regular  employment.  (r)  It  furnishes 

too  great  an  opportunity  to  distribute  aid  for  partisan  pur- 
poses :  Nation,  LVIL,  482.  (^(i)  It  tends  to  develop  the 

evils  of  socialism. — (i)  By  weakening  self-dependence. — (2) 
By  fostering  pauperism. 

III.  Organized  charity  is  the  best  means  of  furnishing  the 

necessary  aid.  (^a)  It  is  scientific  in  theory. — (i)  It  best 

ascertains  the  real  needs  of  applicants. — (2)  It  exercises  a  per- 
sonal and  moral  influence  which  tends  to  strengthen  the 

laborer's  self-dependence.  It  has  been  successful  in 

practice:  Review  of  Reviews,  IX.,  30. — (i)  In  Boston. — 
(2)  In  New  York. — (3)  In  Chicago. — (4)  In  Baltimore. — 
(5)  In  Philadelphia. 

LXV. 

THE  HOUSING  OF  THE  POOR. 

Question  :  *  Resolved,  That  the  housing  of  the  poor  should 
be  improved  by  municipalities.' 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  references  :  J.  A.  Riis,  How  the  Other  Half 
Lives ;  M.  T.  Reynolds,  '  The  Housing  of  the  Poor  in  Amer- 
ican Cities/  in  Publications  of  American  Economic  Associa- 
tion, VIII.,  Nos.  2  and  3,  Chaps,  iii.,  iv.  (March  and  May, 
1893);  North  American  Review,  LXXIV.,  464-480  (April, 
1862)  ;  Nineteenth  Century,  XVII.,  926  (June,  1885)  ;  Fort- 
nightly Review,  XL.,  587  (October,  1883),  761  (December, 
1893)  ;  XLIX.,  284  (February,  1888). 

I.  The  present  tenement  house  system  is  disgraceful  :  How 
the  Other  Half  Lives.  {a)  Exorbitant  rents  are  charged. 


THE  HOUSING  OF  THE  POOR. 


171 


 (^)  Houses  are  overcrowded  :  Nineteenth  Century^  XVII., 

927.  (<:)    Sanitary    conditions   are  bad  :    Ibid.  {d) 

Criminal  classes  are  harbored  :  A.  T.  White,  Improved  Dwell- 
ings for  the  Iadori?tg  Classes,  p.  4. 

II.  The  necessity  for  improvement  is  urgent  :  Publications 

of  AinericaJi  Economic  Association,  VIII.,  159-175.  (a) 

On  account  of  the  harm  to  the  individual. — (i)  Sickness  and 
mortality  are  increasing. — (2)  Intemperance  is  fostered. — (3) 
Pauperism  and  crime  are  encouraged. — (4)  Children  are  cor- 
rupted by  bad  surroundings.  {U)  On  account  of  the  harm 

to  the  state. — (i)  Infectious  diseases  are  spread. — (2)  Political 
corruption  is  made  easy. — (3)  The  tendency  toward  socialism 
and  anarchy  is  increased. 

III.  Improvements  should  be  made  by  municipalities.  

(a)  The  general  public  would  be  benefited.  {b)  Private 

schemes  are  inadequate. — (i)  From  lack  of  money. — (2) 

From  lack  of  the  power  of  expropriation.  {c)  Municipal 

improvements  where  carried  on  have  been  successful. — (i)  In 
Glasgow:  Century,  XXXIX.,  731  (March,  1890).— (2)  In 
Birmingham:  Fortnightly  Review,  XL.,  770-771. 

Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references  :  W.  G.  Sumner,  WJiat  Social 
Classes  Owe  to  Each  Other ;  Thomas  Mackay,  A  Plea 
for  liberty,  Chap.  viii.  ;  M.  T.  Reynolds,  '  The  Housing  of 
the  Poor  in  American  Cities,'  in  Publications  of  American 
Economic  Association,  VIII.,  Nos.  2  and  3,  Chaps,  v. -viii. 
(March  and  May,  1893);  A.  T.  White,  Improved  Dwellings 
for  the  Laboring  Classes  ;  Octavia  Hill,  Homes  of  the  London 
Poor ;  Forum,  V.,  207  (April,  1888)  ;  National  Review,  II., 
301  (November,  1883);  Westminster  Review,  Vol.  121,  p. 
137  (January,  1884)  ;  Nineteenth  Century,  XIV.,  934  (De- 
cember, 1883). 


I.  Municipal  housing  is  not  wise  in  theory.  (^z)  It  is 

class  legislation. — (i)  One  class  is  taxed  for  the  benefit  of 


1/2 


SOCIOLOGY. 


another.  (J?)  It  is  demoralizing. — (i)  It  causes  depend- 
ence on  the  state  instead  of  on  self.  It  is  unjust. — (i) 

The  least  worthy  class  is  assisted. 

II.  Municipal  housing  is  not  successful  in  practice.  (a) 

The  Glasgow  experiments  affect  but  a  small  proportion  of  the 
community.  (J?)  Experiments  in  London  failed  :  Fort- 
nightly JRev  lew,  XXXVIIL,  425  (October,  1882).  Ex- 
periments in  Naples  were  unsatisfactory:  Nation,  LIL,  134. 

III.  A  better  solution  of  the  problem  is  found  in  other 
ways.  {a)  Private  philanthropy  in  the  restoration  of  ex- 
isting buildings. — (i)  The  work  of  Miss  Hill  in  London  : 
Octavia  Hill,  Homes  of  the  London  Poor. — (2)  The  work  of 
Mrs.  Lincoln  in  Boston  :  A.  T.  White,  Better  Homes  for 
Workingmen,  p.  19. — (3)  The  restoration  of  Gotham  Court 
in  New  York  :  Publications  of  American  Economic  Association, 

VIII.,  193.  {b)  Private  philanthropy  in  the  building  of 

model  tenements. — (i)  The  Peabody  buildings  in  London  : 
Publications  of  American  Eco7tomic  Association,  VIII.,  211- 
213. — (2)  The  buildings  of  Mr.  A.  T.  White  in  Brooklyn  : 
A.  T.  White,  Improved  Dwellings  for  the  Laboring  Classes. — 
(3)  The  work  of  the  Improved  Dwellings  Association  of  New 

York.  The  building  of  suburban  cottages. — (i)  The 

workingmen's  homes  in  Philadelphia. 

LIQUOR. 
LXVI. 

PROHIBITION  AND  HIGH  LICENSE. 

Question  :  '  Resolved,  That  state  prohibition  is  preferable 
to  high  license  as  a  method  of  dealing  with  intemperance.' 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  references:  North  American  Review, Yo\.  143, 
p.  382  (October,  1886);  Vol.  147,  p.  121  (August,  1888); 


PROHIBITION  AND  HIGH  LICENSE. 


Vol.  13s,  p.  525  (December,  1882)  ;  Forum,  VII.,  678-682 
(August,  1889);  H.  W.  Blair,  The  Temperance  Movement; 
E.  J.  Wheeler,  Prohibition ;  Cyclopcedia  of  Temperance  and 
Prohibition ;  Popular  Science  Monthly,  XLV.,  225  (June, 
1894)  ;  Annals  of  A77ierican  Acadeiny  of  Political  Science, 
II.,  59-68  (July,  1891). 

I.  The  use  of  intoxicants  as  a  beverage  is  a  great  evil.  

{a)  Economically:  The  Temperance  Movement,  p.  210; 
North  American  Review,  Vol.  147,  p.  147.  (U)  Politi- 
cally. {c)  Morally:  North  American  Review,  No\.  147, 

p.  124. 

II.  Prohibition  is  a  legitimate  remedy :  Prohibition,  Part 

I.  {a)  It  is  constitutional :  Stone  v.  Mississippi,  loi  U,  S., 

818-819;  Cyclopcedia  of  Temperance  and  Prohibition,  p. 
473.  (J))  No  unlawful  trespass  on  personal  liberty  is  in- 
volved :  North  American  Review,  Vol.  147,  p.  38. 

III.  Prohibition  is  an  effective  remedy :  Prohibition,  Part 

II.  {a)  It  can  be  enforced. — (i)  This  is  shown  by  the 

experience  of  Massachusetts. — (2)  Maine:  The  Temperance 
Movement,"^.  370. — (3)  Kansas:  Forum,  "NW,,  678-682.— 
(4)  Iowa :  Cyclopcedia  of  Temperance  and  Prohibition,  pp. 
513-522. — (5)  It  has  diminished  the  evils  of  intemperance  in 
the  above  states. 

IV.  High  license  is  wrong  in  principle.  {a)  It  gives  to 

an  evil  the  sanction  of  law.  (J?)  It  strengthens  the  saloon 

power:  New  Englander,  XLVIIL,  127  (February,  1888). 
 {/)  It  tends  to  make  drinking  and  the  liquor  traffic  re- 
spectable:  North  A ?nerican  Review,  Yo\,  147,  pp.  123-146. 

 Qi)  It  debauches  public  sentiment.  (<f)  It  is  the  plan 

of  the  liquor  men. 

V.  High  license  is  a  failure  in  practice.  (^)  It  does  not 

restrict  the  evil :  Forum,  6^1.  {b)  The  revenue  ob- 

tained from  it  is  more  than  counterbalanced  by  the  cost  of 
the  pauperism  and  crime  resulting  from  it. 


174 


SOCIOLOGY. 


Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references:  Laiors  Cyclopcedia,  II.,  384-385  ; 
J.  S.  Mill,  On  Libe7^ty,  p.  158;  Forum,  III.,  152  (April, 
1887);  II.,  232  (November,  1886)  ;  Macmillan' s  Magazine, 
LIX.,  338  (March,  1889);  Nation,  XIL,  353  (May  25, 
1871)  ;  XVL,  365  (May  29,  1873);  XXXVL,  35  (Jan- 
uary II,  1883);  XXXVL,  168  (February  22,  1883); 
XXXVL,  272  (March  29,  1883);  XLVL,  70  (January 
26,  1888);  XLVIIL,  133  (February  14,  1889);  XLIX., 
470  (December  12,  1889)  ;  New  Princeton  Review,  IV.,  31 
(July,  1887)  ;  New  Englander,  XXXIV.,  663  (October, 
1875);  LL,  401  (December,  1889);  North  A77ierican  Re- 
view, Vol.  139,  p.  185  (August,  1884);  Vol.  141,  p.  34 
(July,  1885);  Vol.  144,  p.  498  (May,  1887);  Popular 
Science  Monthly,  XXVL,  787  (April,  1885);  XLIV.,  577 
(March,  1894);  John  A.  Andrew,  ^rr^rj*  of  Prohibition ; 
W.  B.  Weeden,  The  Mo7^ality  of  Prohibition  Liquor  Laws. 

I.  Prohibition  is  bad  in  principle  :  Forum,  III.,  152  ;  New 
Englander,  XLIV.,  706  (September,  1885)  ;  On  Liberty,  pp. 

158-160.  {a)    It    infringes  personal    liberty  :    Lalor' s 

Cyclopcedia,  II.,  384.  {b^  It  is  an  unwarranted  and  ex- 
treme measure:  Forum,  VII.,  674;  Andover  Review,  IX., 
22  (January,  1888);  Nation,  354.  {c)  It  is  inquisi- 
torial :  Natio7t,  XIL,  353.  {if)  Society  is  concerned  with 

the  abuse,  not  the  use  of  intoxicants:    Forum,  VIL,  674; 

Nation,  XIL,  354.  {e)  All  consumption  of  alcohol  is  not 

deleterious  :  Andover  Review,  IX.,  20. 

II.  Prohibition  does  not  prohibit :  Forum,  II.,  234;  Popu- 
lar Science  Monthly,  XXVL,  795;  North  American  Review, 

Vol.  141,  p.  38.  {a)  It  cannot  control  appetite.  (^) 

It  is  not  supported  by  public  sentiment. — (i)  It  is  not  sup- 
ported by  many  good  citizens  :  Nation,  XIL,  353  ;  Journal 

of  Social  Scieftce,  No.  XIV.,  p.  90  (November,  1881).  {c) 

It  has  failed. — (i)  In  Maine  :  Fortfiightly  Review,  ^Yl.,  16^, 


PROHIBITION  AND  HIGH  LICENSE.  1 75 

174  (August,  187 1). — (2)  In  Iowa:  Nalion,  XLIL,  52 
(January  21,  1886). — (3)  In  Kansas  :  North  American  Re- 
view, 141,1).  41. — (4)  In  Massachusetts:  Macmillan'' s 
Magazine,  LIX.,  343;  Journal  of  Social  Science ,  No.  XIV., 
p.  90. — (5)  In  Vermont:  Fortnightly  Review,  XVI.,  169. — 

(6)  In  Michigan:    Fortnightly  Review,  XVI.,  175-176. — 

(7)  In  Minnesota  :  North  American  Review,  Vol.  141,  p.  39. 
— (8)  In  Rhode  Island:  Nation,  XLVIII.,  133  (February 
14,  1889). 

III.  High  license  with  local  option  is  the  most  effectual 
method  of  dealing  with  intemperance  :  North  American  Re- 
view, Vol.  144,  p.  500  ;  Nation,  XL VI.,  71  ;  Popular  Science 
Monthly,  XXVI.,  790-792;  Charles  Nordhoff,  Politics  for 
Young  A 7ner leans,  ^Y^.  110-114.  (a)  It  reduces  the  num- 
ber of  saloons  :   North  American  Review,  Vol.  144,  p.  499  ; 

Nation,  XLIL,  52;  XLVL,  71.  {U)    Licensed  dealers 

defend  their  privileges  against  unlicensed  dealers  :  North 

American  Review,  Vol.  144,  p.  199.  {c)  The  fewer  the 

saloons  the  less  the  political  power  :   North  American  Review, 

Vol.  144,  p.   500.  (^/)  It  has  all  the  good  features  of 

prohibition    without    menacing    personal    rights  :  Natio7t, 

XXXVI. ,   273.  {/)  It  tends  to  prevent  use  of  spirits: 

North  A?nerican  Revieiv,  Vol.  144,  p.  500.  (/)  It  can  be 

enforced  :   Forum,  IL,  410.  {£)  The  argument  that  high 

license  should  be  defeated  because  it  indefinitely  postpones 
prohibition  is  an  admission  of  the  efficacy  of  the  method  : 
North  American  Review y  Vol.  144,  p.  506. 


176 


SOCIOLOGY. 


LXVII. 

THE  GOTHENBURG  LIQUOR  SYSTEM. 

Question  :  '  Resolved,  That  the  Gothenburg  system  of 
eUminating  private  profits  offers  the  best  solution  of  the  liquor 
question.  * 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  references  :  '  The  Gothenburg  System  of  Liquor 
Traffic/  in  Fifth  Special  Report  of  the  United  States  Commis- 
sioner of  Labor,  1893  ;  Report  of  the  Legislative  Commission 
appointed  by  the  Legislature  of  Massachusetts  to  investigate 
the  working  of  the  Gothenburg  System,  Massachusetts  Legis- 
lative Documents,  No.  192  (February,  1894);  Forum,  XVIL, 
103  (March,  1894)  ;  XIV.,  514  (December,  1892);  V.,  281 
(May,  1888)  ;  E.  L.  Fanshawe,  Liquor  Legislation  in  the 
United  States  and  Canada  ;  T.  M.  Wilson,  Local  Option  in 
Norway ;  Atlantic  Monthly,  LXXIL,  538  (October,  1893); 
Review  of  Reviews,  VIII.,  548  (November,  1893);  Inter- 
national Revie7v,  VIII.,  402  (April,  1880);  Spectator, 
LXXIIL,  40  (July  14,  1894)  ;  New  England  Magazine,  XL, 
785-797  (February,  1895);  Arena,  IX.,  561  (April,  1894); 
The  Month,  LXXIIL,  60  (September,  1891). 

1.  All  methods  of  dealing  with  the  liquor  question,  not  in- 
volving the  elimination  of  private  profits,  have  failed  to  dimin- 
ish materially  the  evils  of  the  traffic.  {a)  State  prohibition 

does  not  prohibit:  Foru?n,  II.,  232  (November,  1886); 
Popular  Science  Monthly,  XXVI.,  787  (April,  1885). — (i) 
This  is  shown  by  the  experience  of  Maine. — (2)  Kansas. — 

(3)  Iowa.  (f))  Prohibition  by  means  of  local  option  has 

only  resulted  in  shifting  the  place  of  sale.  {/)  High  license 

has  also  failed  to  diminish  the  evils. — (i)  It  makes  the  few 
dealers  more  greedy  and  energetic  for  larger  sales. 


THE  GOTHENBURG  LIQUOR  SYSTEM. 


177 


II.  The  Gothenburg  system  of  ehminating  private  jjrofits  fur- 
nishes the  best  solution.  {a)  It  does  not  violate  personal 

liberty  by  prohibiting  a  moderate  use  of  intoxicants.  

It  encourages  the  sale  of  mild  drinks. — (i)  By  allowing  dealers 

a  personal  profit  on  them.  It  takes  away  the  incentive 

for  large  sales. — (i)  No  personal  advantage  is  to  be  gained. 

 {d)  It  does  away  with  the  corrupting  influence  of  the 

saloon. — (i)  Stringent  rules  forbid  sales  to  minors  and  to 
persons  intoxicated. — (2)  Everyone  is  obliged  to  leave  the 

saloon  as  soon  as  he  has  purchased  his  drink.  (^)  It  takes 

the  saloon  out  of  politics. — (i)  There  is  nothing  to  be  gained 
from  political  favor. — (2)  Saloons  can  no  longer  be  the  head- 
quarters of  corrupt  politicians. 

III.  The  Gothenburg  plan  is  a  practical  solution.  (^) 

It  has  been  tried  successfully  in  Norway.  {b)  In  the  case 

of  the  United  States  the  same  system  can  be  extended  to  the 
sale  of  malt  liquors. 

Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references  :  E.  L.  Fanshawe,  Liquor  Legisla- 
tion in  the  United  States  and  Canada  ;  North  American  Re- 
view^ Vol.  147,  p.  638  (December,  1888);  Vol.  144,  p.  498 
(May,  1887);  Nation,  XLVL,  25  (January  12,  1888); 
XLIX.,  470  (December  12,  1890)  ;  Journal  of  Social  Scie^ice, 
'No.  XIV.,  p.  118  (November,  1881) ;  Spectator,  LXIX., 
918  (December  24,  1892);  Review  of  Reviews,  VIII.,  553- 
554  (November,  1893). 

I.  The  best  solution  of  the  liquor  problem  must  minimize 
the  evils  of  the  traffic  with  the  least  restriction  on  personal 
liberty:  Lalor* s  Cyclopcedia,  III.,  380-385;  J.  S.  Mill,  On 
Liberty,  Chaps,  iv.,  v. 

II.  The  elimination  of  private  profits  is  objectionable  on 

political  grounds.  {a)  It  involves  extensive  participation 

by  the  government  in  the  liquor  trade. — (i)  The  disposition 
of  profits  must  be  overseen. — (2)  Minute  supervision  by  offi- 


178 


SOCIOLOGY. 


cials  is  necessary.  (^)  It  interferes  unreasonably  with  the 

liquor  dealer's  right  to  conduct  his  own  business.  (c)  It 

regulates  unreasonably  personal  liberty  in  drinking. 

III.  The  proposition  is  objectionable  on  economic  grounds. 

 (a)  It  prevents  the  indulgence  of  a  natural  social  instinct. 

— (i)  A  dispensary  is  not  sufficient. — (2)  A  shop  conducted 
on  philanthropic  principles  is  not  sufficient.  —  (x)  Men  do  not 

like  to  be  objects  of  philanthropy.  A  strong  demand  of 

human  nature  always  leads  to  violations  of  an  opposing  law. 

IV.  High  license  is  the  best  solution  of  the  problem.  

(^)  It  reduces  greatly  the  amount  of  drunkenness. — (i)  By 
reducing  the  number  of  saloons  and  increasing  the  profits  of 
saloon  keepers  it  induces  better  men  to  go  into  the  business. 
— (2)  It  makes  a  license  too  valuable  to  be  risked  by  the  sale 
of  liquor  to  drunkards.  (^)  It  takes  the  saloon  out  of  pol- 
itics. Where  tried  it  has  superseded  all  other  legisla- 
tion. 

V.  High  license  is  not  open  to  objections  raised  against  the 
method  of  eliminating  private  profits.  (a)  While  prevent- 
ing abuses  it  leaves  the  desirable  features  of  the  saloon.  

(^)  It  involves  no  unnecessary  interference  with  personal 
liberty. 


EDUCATION. 

LXVIII. 

CO-EDUCATION. 

Question  :  *  Resolved^  That  co-education  in  colleges  is  de- 
sirable. ' 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  references  :  Julia  Ward  Howe,  Sex  and  Edu- 
cation;  Report  of  the  Commissio7ier  of  Education,  1 891-1892, 


CO-EDUCATION. 


179 


II.,  Chap.  xxvi.  ;  Barnard''  s  American  Journal  of  Education, 
XVII.,  385  (January,  1868)  ;  Forum,  III.,  631  (August, 
1887)  )  XVII.,  582  (July,  1894)  ;  Westminster  Review,  Vol. 
100,  p.  320  (October,  1873)  ;  Vol.  109,  p.  56  (January, 
1878)  ;  North  American  Review,  Vol.  118,  p.  140  (January, 
1874)  ;  Baptist  Quarterly  Review,  IX.,  63  (January,  1887;  ; 
Scribner' s  Monthly,  II.,  519  (September,  187 1)  ;  Bibliotheca 
Sacra,  XLVI.,  443  (July,  1889)  ;  Education,  IV.,  427 
(March,  1884);  XIII.,  259  (January,  1893);  Nation^ 
XLVI.,  91  (February  2,  1888). 

I.  Co-education  is  desirable  from  the  point  of  view  of  col- 
leges. {a)  It  is  economical. — (i)  The  teaching  force, 

libraries,  laboratories,  and  other  equipments  are  made  available 

for  a  larger  number  at  little  extra  expense.  {U)  It  raises  the 

standard  of  scholarship. — (i)  The  presence  of  the  opposite 
sex  is  an  incentive  to  study  :  Barnard^ s  American  Journal  of 
Education,  XVII.,  389.  {c)  It  helps  to  secure  good  or- 
der.— (i)  Offences  against  propriety  are  less  common  :  Bar- 
nard's  American  Joimial  of  Education,   XVII.,  390-391. 

 (^/)  The  quality  of  instruction  is  improved. — (i)  Where 

men  and  women  are  educated  separately  education  tends 
toward  masculine  and  feminine  extremes.  {/)  It  is  a  con- 
venience to  patrons. — (i)  Brothers  and  sisters  can  be  sent  to 
the  same  institution. 

II.  Co-education  is  desirable  for  young  men.  {d)  It  has 

a  refining  influence.-  (^).  It  gives  them  better  manners. 

 {c)  It  gives  them  higher  ideals.  {d)  It  leads  to  a 

truer  and  juster  appreciation  of  the  abilities  of  women.  (r) 

It  causes  broad  rivalry.  (/)  It  banishes  consciousness  of 

sex. 

III.  Co-education  is  desirable  for  young  women.  {a) 

It  gives  them  a  better  education  than  is  otherwise  possible. 

 (Jy)  It  strengthens  their  characters. — (i)  It  gives  them 

greater  breadth  of  view. — (2)  It  takes  away  capricious  fancies 
and  romantic  ideals  and  substitutes  sober  judgment. — (3)  It 


i8o 


SOCIOLOGY. 


gives  them  more  natural  views  of  life.  (c)  It  gives  them  a 

fairer  standard  of  measurement.  (^)  It  gives  them  courage. 

 (e)  Women  are  not  physically  incapable  of  working  with 

men  :  Report  of  the  Commissioner  of  Education,  1891— 1892, 

II.,  841-842.  (/)  Women  do  not  become  less  womanly: 

Forum,  XVII.,  587. 

IV.  Co-education  has  been  successful  in  practice.  (a) 

In  the  common  schools  of  this  country :  Report  of  the  Com- 
missioner of  Education,  1891-1892,  II.,  Chap.  xxvi.  (J?) 

In  the  universities  abroad:  Westminster  Review,  Vol.  109, 
pp.  56-90. — (i)  France. — (2)  Italy. — (3)  Switzerland. — (4) 

Holland. — (5)  Sweden.  {f)  In  the  colleges  of  this  country. 

— (i)  University  of  Michigan:  Education,  IV.,  433. — (2) 
Cornell :  Ibid. — (3)  OberUn  :  Bibliotheca  Sacra,  XLVI.,  443. 

Brief  for  the  Negative, 

General  references  :  E.  H.  Clarke,  Sex  in  Education ; 
Report  of  the  Commissioner  of  Education,  1 891— 1892,  II., 
Chap.  xxvi.  ;  Educational  Review,  IV.,  164  (September, 
1892)  ;  Popular  Science  Monthly,  V.,  198  (June,  1874)  ; 
Critic  (old  series),  III.,  153  (April  7,  1883);  XI.,  85  (Au- 
gust 20,  1887);  Nation,  XL,  24  (July  14,  1870);  XVI., 
349  (May  22,  1873)  ;  XVIII.,  408  (June  25,  1874)  \  XLVI., 
52  (January  19,  1888). 

I.  Co-education  is  undesirable  from  an  intellectual  stand- 
point. {a)  Women  need  a  special  course  of  study  which 

they  can  get  only  in  a  separate  institution. — (i)  They  have 
different  paths  and  different  duties  in  life  from  men. — (2) 
In  a  co-educational  college  they  are  compelled  to  pursue  a 
course  framed  primarily  for  men.  (J?)  Women  are  physi- 
cally incapable  of  pursuing  to  advantage  the  same  course  with 
men. — (i)  They  are  not  so  strong. — (2)  Their  brains  are 
smaller  and  differ  greatly  from  those  of  men  :  Educational  Re- 
view, IV.,  165-170.  (<r)  Co-education  produces  morbid 


THREE  years'  COURSE  FOR  THE  A.B.  DEGREE.  l8l 


rivalry.  (^/)  It  retards  progress. — (i)  There  are  too  many 

distractions. 

IL  Co-education  is  undesirable  morally.  (^a)  It  throws 

women  into  a  critical  atmosphere.  (^)  It  makes  them  the 

subject  of  unpleasant  comment.  (c)  It  brings  them  into 

contact  with  common  men.  (d)  It  leads  to  sentimentality 

and  often  vulgarity.  (<f)  It  makes  impossible  that  guidance 

and  direction  which  is  so  essential. 

III.  Co-education  is  undesirable  socially.  (a)  It  tends 

toward  making  men  effeminate.  (d)  It  unfits  women  for 

domestic  life.  (c)  It  fails  to  promote  refinement  and  gentle 

breeding. — — (^/)  It  makes  women  free  and  careless  in  manner. 
 ((?)  It  develops  strong  mannish  women  who  are  disagree- 
able and  who  do  little  good  in  the  world. 

IV.  Co-education  is  unnecessary.  (a)  There  are  good 

colleges  for  the  separate  education  of  women. — (i)  Smith. — 
(2)  Vassar. — (3)  Wellesley.—  (d)  There  are  colleges  for  co- 
ordinate education. — (i)  Radcliffe. — (2)  Barnard. — (3)  West- 
ern Reserve  University. 

LXIX. 

A  THREE  YEARS'  COURSE  FOR  THE  A.B.  DEGREE. 

Question  :  ^  Resolved,  That  some  system  ought  to  be 
adopted  by  which  the  degree  of  A.B.  could  be  obtained  from 
colleges  in  three  years.' 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  references  :  Majority  Report  of  the  Faculty  of 
Harvard  College  to  the  Board  of  Overseers,  January  7,  1891  ; 
Harvard  Monthly,  X.,  201  (July,  1890);  XL,  127  (January, 
1891)  ;  Andover Revieza,  XIII.,  75  (January,  1890)  ;  Nation, 
XLIX.,  425  (November  28,  1889)  ;  LI.,  12  (July  3,  1890); 


I82 


SOCIOLOGY. 


Annual  Reports  of  the  President  and  Treasurer  of  Harvard 
College,  1886-1887,  pp.  75-76;  1890-1891,  pp.  1-9. 

I.  A  change  is  desirable  from  the  point  of  view  of  the  gen- 
eral public.  {a)  The  proportion  of  college-bred  men  in 

the  country  has  not  increased  in  proportion  to  the  population  : 

Majority  Report,  p.  11.  (^U)  The  four  years'  course  keeps 

away  from  college  many  men. — (i)  Those  who  are  unable  to 
meet  the  expense. — (2)  Those  who  are  unwilling  to  give  the 

time.  ic)  Our  national  problems  need  especially  the  minds 

of  college-bred  men. 

II.  It  is  desirable  from  the  point  of  view  of  colleges. 

 {a)  The  influence  and  the  ideals  of  colleges  would  be 

more  widely  extended.  (^)  The  scholarship  of  the  col- 
leges would  be  improved. — (i)  Much  of  the  under-graduate's 
time  is  now  wasted. — (2)  A  more  earnest  and  serious  class  of 
men  would  be  drawn  to  college. — (3)  Many  of  the  men  who 
did  not  take  a  professional  course  would  return  in  the  graduate 
department. — (x)  The  influence  of  the  graduate  department  is 
sobering. 

III.  It  is  desirable  from  the  point  of  view  of  professional 

schools.  {a)  The  present  system  brings  professional  men 

into  the  practical  work  of  life  too  late.  (^)  The  present 

system  robs  the  professions  of  the  best  men  and  fills  their 

places  with  those  who  have  not  had  a  liberal  education.  {c) 

Both  of  these  defects  would  be  remedied  by  the  change. — (i) 
Men  would  get  into  the  professional  schools  earlier. — (2)  More 
of  them  would  be  college  graduates. 

IV.  It  is  desirable  from  the  point  of  view  of  students.  

{a)  The  average  age  at  graduation  is  now  too  high. — (i)  It 

is  nearly  twenty-three  years.  (^)  Opportunity  to  save  a 

year  would  be  welcomed  by  many  men. — (i)  Those  preparing 
for  professions.  —  (2)  Those  possessing  little  means.  —  (3) 

Those  intending  a  business  career.  {/)  Those  men  who 

wished  to  continue  a  scholarly  life  could  do  so  with  greater 
advantage  in  graduate  schools. 


THREE  YEARS'  COURSE  FOR  THE  A.B.  DEGREE.     1 83 


Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references  :  N.  S.  Shaler  in  Atlantic  Monthly, 
LXVI.,  161  (August,  1890)  ;  Minority  Report  of  the  Faculty 
of  Harvard  College  to  the  Board  of  Overseers,  December  23, 
1890;  Educational  Review,  I.,  i  (January,  1891),  133 
(February,  1891) ;  Harvard  Monthly,  IX.,  i  (October, 
1889);  XIL,  I  (March,  1891),  77  (April,  1891);  Educa- 
tion, XI.,  585  (June,  1891);  Academy,  V.,  441-448  (No- 
vember, 1 891)  ;  Nation,  LI.,  106  (August  7,  1890),  226 
(September  18,  1890). 

I.  The  present  system  of  requiring  a  four  years'  course  for 

the  degree  of  A.B.  is  wise.  {a)  The  degree  of  A.B. 

should  stand  for  more  than  a  given  amount  of  book  learning. 
— (i)  Great  benefits  come  from  continued  residence  under 
academic  influences.  —  (x)  Development  of  character  and 
individuality. — (y)  Culture  and  refinement. — (z)  Breadth  of 

mind  and  liberality  of  thought.  {U)  It  is  folly  to  suppose 

that  these  advantages  can  be  acquired  in  a  course  of  three 
years  as  well  as  in  a  course  of  four  years. 

II.  The  proposed  change  is  highly  objectionable.  {a)  It 

lowers  the  standard  of  college  education. — (i)  By  degrading 
the  degree  of  A.B. — (x)  It  makes  the  college  simply  a  wedge 
between  the  preparatory  schools  and  the  professional  schools. 
 (J))  It  is  an  unwise  concession  to  the  hurried,  material- 
istic spirit  of  our  time.  {c)  Broad  culture  and  not  so  much 

specialization  is  what  we  need  :  Educational  Review,  I.,  140. 
 {d)  The  curriculum  is  now  crowded. 

III.  All  experience  is  against  the  change.  {a)  England 

has  found  it  unsatisfactory. — (i)  At  Oxford  the  greater  num- 
ber graduate  in  four  years:  Minority  Report,  p.  7.  {U)  It 

has  not  been  popular  in  America. — (i)  Johns  Hopkins  has  not 
made  a  success  with  it  :  Harvard  Monthly,  XIL,  3. — (2)  Al- 
most all  of  our  new  colleges  adopt  the  four  years'  plan. 


SOCIOLOGY. 


IV.  If  the  course  be  too  long  it  can  be  shortened  better  in 
some  other  way  than  by  dropping  one  of  the  four  years  of  col- 
lege. (a)  The  preparatory  course  can  be  shortened. — (i) 

Our  present  system  of  preparatory  education  is  radically  bad. 
 {b)  Candidates  for  a  degree  can  be  allowed  to  take  pro- 
fessional studies. 

LXX. 

INTERCOLLEGIATE  FOOT-BALL. 

Question:  'Resolved,  That  intercollegiate  foot-ball  pro- 
motes the  best  interests  of  colleges.' 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  references  :  Harvard  College,  Report  on  Ath- 
letics (Cambridge,  1888)  ;  Popular  Science  Monthly,  XXIV., 
446  (February,  1884),  587  (March,  1884);  XLV.,  721 
(October,  1894)  ;  Atlantic  Monthly,  LXVI.,  63  (July,  1890)  ; 
Forum,  XVI.,  634  (January,  1894)  ;  Century,  XLVI.,  204 
(June,  1893)  ;  XLVII.,  315  (December,  1893)  ;  Lippincotf  s 
Magazine,  XXXIX.,  1008  (June,  1887);  Harvard  Gradu- 
ates' Magazine,  II.,  i  (September,  1893);  Nation,  XXXVI., 
268  (March  29,  1883). 

I.  Athletics  in  colleges  are  essential.  {a)  '  Mens  sana  in 

corpore  sano.'  {U)  Youth  is  the  time  for  physical  develop-  " 

ment.  {/)  Without  athletics  students  do  not  get  sufficient 

exercise. — (i)  There  is  no  necessity  for  physical  exertion. — 
(2)  We  have  no  military  training  as  is  the  case  in  European 
countries. 

II.  Foot-ball  is  a  beneficial  form  of  athletics.  {a)  It  is 

acceptable  to  the  students. — (i)  It  is  played  by  a  large  num- 
ber. {b)  It  promotes  bodily  health. — (i)  Training  teaches 

the  importance  of  proper  ventilation  and  wholesome  food. 


INTERCOLLEGIATE  FOOT-BALL. 


185 


 (c)  It  promotes  moral  qualities. — (i)  Self-control. — (2) 

Temperance. — (3)  Courage. 

III.  Intercollegiate  contests  are  advantageous.  (a)  They 

are  a  stimulus  to  general  participation. — (i)  If  there  were  no 
intercollegiate  contests  there  would  be  less  interest  in  the 

sport  and  fewer  men  would  try  for  the  teams.  They 

develop  college  patriotism.  (<r)  They  bring  the  different 

colleges  into  closer  relation. 

IV.  The  evils  of  foot-ball  are  not  inherent.  (a)  The 

number  of  injuries  is  greatly  exaggerated  and  can  be  decreased 
by  new  rules.  (^)  The  time  given  to  training  is  not  exces- 
sive.— (i)  The  foot-ball  season  lasts  only  ten  weeks. — (2)  It 

does  not  interfere  seriously  with  college  studies.  (<f)  The 

lowering  of  students'  ideals,  if  a  danger,  can  be  prevented. — 

(i)  By  requiring  a  higher  standard  of  scholarship.  (^)  The 

crowds  of  outsiders  and  the  large  amounts  of  money  expended 
can  be  avoided. — (i)  By  limiting  games  to  college  grounds 
and  reducing  the  price  of  admission. 

Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references  :  N.  S.  Shaler  in  Atlantic  Monthly , 
LXIII.,  79  (January,  1889);  Harvard  Graduates'  Magazine, 
III.,  305  (March,  1895);  Annual  Reports  of  the  President 
and  Treasurer  of  Harvard  College,  189  2- 1893,  pp.  12-22; 
1893-1894,  pp.    16-17;    Nation,  LV.,  406  (December  i, 

1892)  ;  LVIL,  422  (December  7,  1893),  444  (December  14, 

1893)  ;  LIX.,  399  (November  29,  1894),  457  (December  20, 

1894)  ,  476  (December  27,  1894);  Public  Opiftion,  XVI., 
244  (December  14,  1893),  505  (March  i,  1894). 

I.  The  evils  of  intercollegiate  foot-ball  are  ineradicable.  

(a)  Foot-ball  by  its  nature  offers  great  inducements  to  unfair 

and  brutal  play.  (<^)  The  intense  excitement  and  rivalry 

of  intercollegiate  contests  make  such  temptations  inadvisable. 

II.  Intercollegiate  foot-ball  is  injurious  to  the  players.  


SOCIOLOGY. 


(a)  Physically. — (i)  There  is  great  liability  to  overwork. — (2) 
The  nervous  strain  is  great. — (3)  The  Hability  to  injury  is 

great.  (J?)    Intellecftually. — (i)    It  takes  an  excessive 

amount  of  time. — (2)  It  takes  an  excessive  amount  of  thought. 
— (x)  Men  are  totally  preoccupied  before  the  great  games. 

 (r)  Morally. — (i)  It  encourages  extravagance. — (2)  It 

leads  to  vulgar  notoriety. — (3)  It  dulls  the  sense  of  honor. — 
(4)  It  dulls  the  feehngs  and  has  a  brutalizing  influence. — (5) 
It  leads  to  intemperance  after  training. 

III.  Intercollegiate  foot-ball  is  injurious  to  the  students  at 
large.  {a)  It  discourages  men  who  cannot  excel  from  en- 
gaging in  athletics  at  all.  (^)  It  promotes  general  immoral- 
ity.— (i)  Betting. — (2)  Little  meannesses  are  condoned  for 

the  sake  of  victory.  (<r)  It  establishes  false  ideals. — (i) 

Physical  force  is  placed  above  intellectual  and  moral  qualities. 
 (d)  Much  time  is  lost  in  watching  games.  (<?)  Hys- 
terical excitement  is  provoked  at  times  in  the  great  games. 

IV.  Intercollegiate  foot-ball  is  injurious  to  colleges.  {a) 

It  draws  men  to  college  for  the  purpose  of  engaging  in  ath- 
letics. (^)  It  gives  occasion  for  unbecoming  celebrations. 

 (<:)  It  affects  the  proper  flow  of  pupils  to  college. — (i) 

Many  choose  a  college  for  its  athletic  record  and  not  for  its 
real  advantages.  (^)  It  leads  to  the  development  of  ath- 
letic rather  than  intellectual  abihty  in  preparatory  schools. 

 (<f)  It  gives  a  false  idea  of  the  college  to  the  community. 

— (i)  Represents  it  as  a  place  of  leisure  and  a  training  school 

for  athletes,  and  not  as  a  centre  of  learning.  (/)  It  causes 

ill-feeling  between  colleges. 


MISCELLANEOUS. 


LXXI. 

IRISH  HOME  RULE. 

Question  :  ^Resolved,  That  home  rule  should  be  granted  to 
Ireland.* 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  references  :  James  Bryce,  Hand-Book  of  Home 
Rule  ;  W.  E.  QAdA^loxi^'va  North  American  Review,  Vol.  155, 
p.  385  (October,  1892);  Nineteenth  Century,  VII.,  406 
(March,  1880),   583  (April,  1880);    XIX.,  424  (March, 

1886)  ;  XXI.,  19  (January,  1887),  165  (February,  1887); 
Contemporary  Review,  LI.,  84  (January,  1887),  305  (March, 

1887)  ;  LIIL,  321  (March,  1888)  ;  LV.,  462  (March,  1889)  ; 
LXIL,  305  (September,  1892)  ;  Fortnightly  Review,  XXXII  , 
224  (August,  1879)  ;  LIL,  293  (September,  1889). 

I.  Ireland  has  a  right  to  home  rule.  {a)  The  Act  of 

Union  for  England  and  Ireland  was  forced  by  bribery  and 

intimidation.  {F)  The  union  has  failed. — (i)  England 

has  shown  herself  incapable  of  governing  Ireland. — (x)  The 
people  are  now  more  wretched,  and  disaffection  is  more 
widespread  than  at  the  beginning  of  the  century.-  -(2)  Coer- 
cion has  proved  a  failure.  {c)  The  Irish  are  capable  of 

governing  themselves. 

II.  Home  rule  is  wise  in  principle.  (a)  Two  nations 

having  such  diversity  of  temperament  and  ideas  cannot  be 
held  together  in  harmony  without  self-government   (J?) 


i88 


MISCELLANEOUS. 


The  unity  of  the  British  Empire  is  not  placed  in  jeopardy. 
— (i)  The  supremacy  of  the  imperial  parliament  is  main- 
tained. There  are  good  precedents  for  home  rule. — 

(i)  The  federal  system  of  the  United  States. — (2)  The  Ger- 
man Empire. — (3)  The  dual  system  of  Austria  and  Hungary. 

HI.  Home  rule  would  benefit  Ireland.  (a)  It  would  do 

away  with  the  discontent  and  ill-feeling.  (^)  It  would  se- 
cure for  the  country  suitable  legislation. — (i)  The  laws  would 
be  framed  by  better  informed  and  more  sympathetic  men. 

 (<:)  It  would  bring  about  order  and  respect  for  law.  

(d)  It  would  bring  to  an  end  the  contentions  regarding  land 

tenure.  (^)  It  would  sober  the  people. — (i)  By  giving 

them  responsibility.  (/)  It  would  give  the  country  new 

life  and  w^ould  develop  industry. 

IV.  Home  rule  would  benefit  England.  (a)  It  would 

facilitate  legislation  in  the  English  Parliament. — (i)  The  ob- 
struction of  the  Irish  minority  would  no  longer  detain  busi- 
ness.— (2)  The  legitimate  discussion  of  Irish  affairs  renders 

proper  attention  to  home  and  imperial  affairs  impossible.  

(J?)  It  would  strengthen  the  Empire. — (i)  Ireland's  hatred 
would  be  turned  into  good  feeling  and  support. — (2)  The 
discontent  in  Ireland,  which  forms  a  serious  military  weak- 
ness, would  be  removed.  (c)  Refusal  to  grant  home  rule 

means  a  continuation  of  the  .present  difficulties  and  fresh  men- 
aces to  England's  prosperity  and  advancement. 

Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references  :  A.  V.  Dicey,  England' s  Case 
Against  Home  Rule  ;  A.  V.  Dicey,  Why  England  Maintains 
the  Union ;  George  Baden-Powell,  The  Truth  About  Home 
Rule ;  North  American  Review^  Vol.  155,  p.  129  (August, 

1892)  ;  Nineteenth  Century,  VII.,  567  (April,  1880)  ;  XXL, 
397  (March,  1887);  XXXIIL,  545  (April,  1893);  Contem- 
porary Review,  XLIL,  66  (July,  1882)  ;  LXIIL,  626  (May, 

1893)  ;  Fortnightly  Review,  XVII.,  16  (June,  1872)  ;  XLVI., 


IRISH  HOME  RULE. 


78  (July,  1886);  Political  Science  Quarterly,  IV.,  66  (March, 
1889). 

I.  The  Irish  have  shown  themselves  incapable  of  self-gov- 
ernment. {a)  They  have  ruled  Ireland  badly  in  the  past. 

— (i)  The  Irish  parliaments  of  1688  and  1782  were  failures. 

 (J))  The  present  leaders  are  unfit  to  govern  a  nation. — 

(i)  They  failed  to  execute  the  land  laws,  thus  undoing  much 
good  already  accomplished. 

II.  The  Irish  themselves  do  not  want  home  rule.  {a^ 

The  Protestants  comprising  one-third  of  the  population  believe 

in  union  with  Great  Britain.  {b)  More  than  one-half  of  the 

remaining  population,  consisting  of  boycotters  and  dynamiters, 
are  nationalists  and  want  complete  separation  from  Great 
Britain. 

III.  Home  rule  would  be  disastrous  to  English  interests. 

 {a)  It  would  greatly  weaken  the  Empire. — (i)  It  would  be 

a  step  towards  disintegration.  {b)  It  would  dislocate  the 

English  Constitution. — (i)  It  is  inconsistent  with  the  working 
of  the  English  cabinet  system.  {c)  It  would  weaken  Eng- 
land's strength  as  a  war  power.  (^)  It  would  destroy 

equality  between  England  and  Ireland.  {e)  It  would  give 

rise  to  endless  disputes  and  complications. — (i)  A  federation 

cannot  be  successful  unless  based  on  mutual  good  feeling.  

(/)  It  would  set  a  bad  example  to  people  in  other  English 
possessions. 

IV.  Home  rule  would  not  settle  the  Irish  question.  {a) 

Political  changes  cannot  settle  social  evils.  {U)  Irish  griev- 
ances do  not  arise  from  political  causes,  but  on  account  of  the 

false  and  vicious  land  system.  {c)  The  British  government 

being  bound  in  honor  to  protect  the  landlords  cannot  allow  a 

hostile  Irish  parliament  to  settle  the  question.  (^d')  Home 

rule  would  only  aggravate  the  question. 


MISCELLANEOUS. 


LXXII. 

PARNELL  AND  THE  IRISH  CAUSE. 

Question  :  '  Resolved,  That  the  memory  of  Charles  Stewart 
Parnell  deserves  the  gratitude  of  the  Irish  people.  * 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  references  :  Sir  Charles  Russell,  Speech  Before 
the  Parnell  Com7nission  ;  Justin  McCarthy,  Ireland^ s  Cause  in 
England^ s  Parliament ;  Contemporary  Review,  LX.,  625 
(November,  1891);  North  American  Review,  Vol.  144,  p. 
609  (June,  1887)  ;  New  England  Magazine  (new  series),  I., 
190  (October,  1889)  ;  Review  of  Reviews,  IV.,  437-438 
(November,  1891)  ;  Westminster  Review,  Vol.  135,  p.  i 
(January,  1891)  ;  Public  Opinion,  XII.,  30  (October  17, 
1891)  ;  Nation,  LIIL,  289  (October  15,  1891)  ;  Spectator, 
LXVIL,  484  (October  10,  1891). 

I.  Parnell  was  a  worthy  and  effective  champion  of  the  Irish 

cause.  (a)  He  united  the  Irish  people  for  a  definite  object  : 

Public  Opinion,  XII.,  30.  (^)  He  disciplined  the  Irish 

parhamentary  party  to  act  as  a  unit  :    Nation,  XLL,  254 

(September  24,  1885).  (^)  He  contributed  to  the  cause  his 

own  unrivaled  skill  as  a  parliamentarian  and  leader  of  men  : 

Contemporary  Review,  LX.,   632.  (d)  He  contributed 

valuable  criticisms  and  suggestions  to  all  Irish  legislation  in 
Parliament. 

II.  ParnelFs  policy  of  obstruction  alone  entitles  him  to 
Ireland's  gratitude.  {a)  By  this  policy  he  compelled  Par- 
liament and  the  English  people  to  pay  attention  to  Ireland's 

interests.  {b)  He  played  the  two  English  parties  against 

each  other.  (r)  He  converted  the  Liberal  party  and  the 

greatest  statesman  of  the  time  to  the  Irish  cause.  {d)  He 


PARNEI.L  AND  THE  IRISH  CAUSE. 


191 


obtained  favorable  legislation.  (e)  He  made  the  Irish 

policy  of  the  Conservative  party  much  more  lenient. 

III.  Nothing  in  Parnell's  career  can  neutralize  the  lasting 
good  he  accomplished  for  Ireland.  (a)  He  substituted  con- 
stitutional methods  for  violence :  North  American  Review, 

Vol.  144,  p.  624.  {b)  He  successfully  op[)osed  coercion. 

 (v)  He  oi)posed  armed  insurrections.  {(i)  He  was 

careful  of  the  means  used  in  attaining  his  ends.  {e)  He 

made  the  Irish  question  the  chief  question  in  English  politics. 
 (/)  He  made  the  ultimate  triumph  of  home  rule  pos- 
sible and  probable. 

Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references:  Sir  Henry  James,  The  Work  of  the 
Irish  Leagues  ;  Justin  McCarthy  in  North  AmejHcan  Review, 
Vol.  152,  p.  234  (February,  1891)  ;  Nation,  LI.,  431,  434 
(December  4,  1890);  LII.,  6-8  (January  i,  1891),  193 
(March  5,  1891)  ;  LIII.,  330  (October  29,  1891)  ;  Contem- 
porary Review,  LIX.,  I  (January,  1891). 

I.  Parnell  was  personally  unworthy  of  the  gratitude  of  the 

Irish  people.  {a)  He  was  moved  by  personal  ambition 

and  not  by  patriotism.  {b)  He  was  devoid  of  moral  prin- 
ciple.— (i)  He  admitted  lying  when  it  suited  his  ends. — (2) 

The  O'Shea  divorce  case.  {/)  He  was  utterly  unscrupulous 

in  his  dealings  with  men. — (i)  He  betrayed  the  confidence  of 
the  Liberal  leaders,  Mr.  Gladstone  and  Mr.  Morley. — (2)  He 
denounced  his  own  colleagues  who  had  aided  him  in  his  suc- 
cesses.— (3)  He  risked  his  whole  party  for  his  own  satisfaction 
and  selfish  ends. — (x)  By  refusing  to  withdraw  from  the 
leadership  when  every  sense  of  decency  and  justice  demanded 
that  he  should. 

II.  Parnell's  political  methods  were  inexpedient  and  wrong. 

 {a)  He  absented  himself  from  the  House  of  Commons 

when  his  presence  was  most  needed.  {J?)  He  worked  the 

policy  of  obstruction  to  such  an  extent  as  to  imperil  the  Eng- 


192 


MISCELLANEOUS. 


lish  Constitution  and  the  cabinet  system.  (^c)  His  opposi- 
tion to  the  Land  Act  of  1881  was  wrong.  (^/)  He  made 

use  of  unscrupulous  agents.  (^)  He  encouraged  boycotting 

and  resistance  to  landlords.  (/)  He  tacitly  encouraged 

crime. 

IIL  Parnell's  acts  have  seriously  injured  the  Irish  cause. 

 (a)  In  Ireland. — (i)  By  arousing  disorder  and  inspiring 

contempt  for  authority. — (2)  By  causing  a  division  in  the 
Irish  party.  (^)  In  England. — (i)  By  ahenating  the  Lib- 
eral party  and  Mr.  Gladstone. — (2)  By  renewing  in  the  Eng- 
lish pubUc  the  old  distrust  of  Irish  character. 


LXXIII. 

THE  CHINA-JAPAN  WAR. 

Question  :  ^  Resolved^  That  the  victory  of  Japan  over 
China  was  for  the  interest  of  civilization.* 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  references  :  Henry  Norman,  The  Peoples  and 
Politics  of  the  Far  East ;  Forum,  XVIII. ,  216  (October, 
1894);  North  American  Review,  Vol.  159,  p.  308  (September, 

1894)  ,  p.  529  (November,  1894);  Vol.  160,  p.  621  (May, 

1895)  ;  Contemporary  Review,  LXVL,  305  (September,  1894); 
Blackwood's  Magazine,  Vol.  157,  p.  501  (April,  1895); 
Overland  Monthly  (second  series),  XXIV.,  524  (November, 
1894);  New  Review,  XL,  221  (September,  1894);  Public 
Opinion,  XVII.  (see  Index,  China  and  Japan). 

I.  The  victory  of  Japan  means  the  progress  of  civilization 

in  China,  Corea,  and  Japan.  {a)  China  will  be  aroused 

from  her  social  stagnation. — (i)  By  the  introduction  of  modern 
political  ideas. — (2)  By  advances  in  educational  matters. — 


THE  CHINA-JAPAN  WAR. 


(3)  By  social  imi)rovements.  (/y)  Corea  will  be  benefited. 

— (i)  Material  prosperity  is  sure  to  come.  (c)  Japan  will 

advance. — (i)  In  constitutional  government. — (2)  In  com- 
mercial freedom. 

II.  Victory  for  China  meant  the  retarding  of  civilization  in 

China,  Corea,  and  Japan.  (a)  Had  China  succeeded,  the 

conservative  government  would  have  continued  without  im- 
provement.— (i)  The  people  would  have  continued  in  igno- 
rance and  degradation. — (2)  Material  progress  of  any  sort 
would  have  been  impossible.  (^)  Corea  would  have  re- 
mained in  obscurity. — (i)  Suppressed  by  her  own  nobility. — 

(2)  Subjected  to  the  indifference  of  China.  (c)  Japan 

would  have  been  set  back  to  her  earlier  conditions. — (i)  The 
liberal  progressive  party  would  have  been  distrusted. — (2)  A 
less  liberal  policy  on  the  part  of  the  government  would  have 
resulted. 

III.  The  victory  of  Japan  will  promote  the  peace  of  the 
world.  (a)  European  nations  will  be  restrained  from  mut- 
ual encroachments. — (i)  Russia's  advance  from  the  north  will 
be  prevented. — (x)  By  a  strong  internal  government  in  Corea. 
— (2)  The  advance  of  England  and  France  from  the  south 
will  be  checked. — (x)  By  a  more  progressive  policy  on  the 
part  of  China. 

Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references  :  George  N.  Curzon,  Problems  of  the 
Far  East ;  North  Amerua?i  Review,  Vol.  159,  pp.  300-308, 
316-320  (September,  1894);  Contemporary  Review,  UiY I. , 
609  (November,  1894);  National  Review,  XXIV.,  263 
(October,  1894);  Nineteenth  Century,  XXXVI.,  612  <Octo- 
ber,  1894);  Nation,  LIX.,  250  (October  4,  1894);  Specta- 
tor, LXXIII.,  360  (September  22,  1894),  392  (September 
29,  1894),  915  (December  29,  1894). 

I.  All  admit  that  China  is  the  mainstay  of  Eastern  Asia. 

 (a)  Governs  four  hundred  millions  of  people.  (/^) 

13 


194 


MISCELLANEOUS. 


Has  prevented  French  advances.  Has  held  Russia  at 

bay.  (d)  Separates  England  and  Russia. 

IL  The  effect  on  Corea  will  be  bad.  (a)  On  the  gov- 
ernment.— (i)  Permanent  and  successful  independence  is  un- 
likely.— (2)  If  Japan  annexes  Corea  the  result  will  not  be 
happy. — (x)  Japan's  influence  heretofore  has  not  been  good. 

 (^)  On  the  people. — (i)  The  people  hate  the  Japanese. 

— (2)  Continued  rebellions  will  keep  the  country  in  a  per- 
turbed condition  and  destroy  social  life  and  progress. 

III.  The  effect  on  Japan  will  be  bad.  (a)  Politically. 

— (i)  The  Jingo  policy  will  have  full  headway. — (2)  Buffer 

state.  (^)  Economically  and  socially. — (i)  The  war  will 

have  an  unfortunate  effect  on  Japanese  life  and  character : 
National  Review ,  XXIV.,  266. 

IV.  The  effect  on  China  will  be  bad.  (a)  The  present 

dynasty  shaken.  (^)  The  delicately  poised  Chinese  em- 
pire in  danger  of  disintegration. — (i)  Petty  kingdoms. — (2) 
Long  periods  of  readjustment. — (3)  Absorption  by  European 
powers. 

V.  Russian  ascendancy  is  likely  to  come.  {a^  Russia  is 

pushing  her  influence  in  the  East.  (^)  Corean  ports  make 

a  basis  for  Russia's  naval  operations.  (<:)  The  barrier  be- 
tween England  and  Russia  is  destroyed.  (  d)  English  de- 
pendencies in  Asia  and  Polynesia  are  endangered. 

VI.  Russian  ascendancy  would  be  a  set-back  to  civilization. 
 The  effect  on  England  would  be  bad. — (i)  Relig- 
ious and  commercial  civilization. — (2)  England  is  the  best 
colonizer  in  the  world. — (3)  The  champion  of  free  govern- 
ment. {b)  The  effect  on  Western  Europe  would  be  bad. 

— (i)  The  balance  of  power  in  the  West  would  be  over- 
thrown. (^)  The  effect  on  the  United  States  would  be 

bad. — (i)  Our  interests  in  international  affairs  are  identical 
with  those  of  England. 


NIHILISM. 


LXXIV. 

NIHILISM. 

Question  :  ^  Resolved,  That  the  efforts  of  the  Russian 
Nihilists  are  entitled  to  the  sympathy  of  a  free  people.' 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  references  :  Stepniak,  Russia  Under  the  Tzars  ; 
Stepniak,  Underground  Russia  ;  Edmund  Noble,  The  Russian 
Revolt ;  L.  Tikhomirov,  Russia,  Political  and  Social,  II., 
Bk.  VII.,  Chap,  vii.,  and  Appendix  B ;  'An  Interview  with  a 
Nihilist,'  \\\  New  York  Herald,  August  2,  1881 ;  North  American 
Review,  Vol.  128,  p.  174  (February,  1879)  ;  Vol.  129,  p.  23 
(July,  1879)  ;  Century,  XLVL,  461  (July,  1893)  ;  Westmin- 
ster Review,  Vol.  137,  p.  268  (March,  1892). 

I.  The  Russian  political  system  is  corrupt.  (a)  Men  are 

arrested,  hanged,  shot,  and  exiled  on  the  least  suspicion.  

(^)  The  administration  of  justice  is  a  farce  :  Russia  Under  the 
Tza7's,  pp.  94-121.  (c)  Officialism,  bribery,  and  cor- 
ruption are  rampant.  (d')  The  prison  system  in  Siberia  is 

terrible  :  George  Ken  nan,  Siberia  and  the  Exile  System.  

{e)  Liberal  education  and  freedom  of  thought  and  action  are 

not  permitted.  (/)  Vice  and  brutality  are  befriended  by 

the  government. 

II.  Ordinary  methods  of  redress  are  impossible.  {a) 

The  people  have  no  voice  in  public  affairs. — (i)  No  parlia- 
mentary discussions,  no  public  meetings,  no  representation  by 

popular  vote.  {!))  The  press  is  under  a  rigorous  censorship. 

 (r)  The  Czar  pays  no  heed  to  petitions. 

III.  The  methods  of  the  Nihilists  are  justifiable.  {a) 

All  people  have  the  right  to  rebel  when  oppressed.  (/?)  Se- 
cret violence  is  the  only  form  of  revolution  possible.  {/) 


196 


MISCELLANEOUS. 


The  creed  of  the  Nihilists  is  not  destruction. — (i)  They  sim- 
ply demand  a  constitution. — (2)  Violence  is  an  incident,  not 
an  end. — (x)  It  is  the  only  way  the  cause  can  be  kept  before 
the  people. 

Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references  :  John  Rae,  Contemporary  Socialism ^ 
Chap.  ix.  ;  Contemporary  Review^  XXXVIII.,  913  (Decem- 
ber, 1880);  Nineteenth  Century,  VII.,  i  (January,  1880); 
Revue  des  Deux  Mondes,  XXXVII.,  761  (February  15,  1880)  ; 
Fortnightly  Review,  XXVIII.,  149  (August,  1877);  Review 
of  Reviews,  IV.,  667  (January,  1892)  ;  Baptist  Quarterly  Re- 
view,Yll,,  185  (April,  1885);  Century,  XLV.,  611  (Febru- 
ary, 1893);  Nation,  XXX.,  189  (March  11,  1880); 
XXXIII.,  119  (August  II,  1881);  Spectator,  LV.,  586 
(May  6,  1882). 

I.  The  aims  of  the  Nihilists  are  unjustifiable.  (a)  They 

wish  to  destroy  reHgion,  state,  family,  law,  property,  and 

morality.  (<^)  They  offer  no  positive,  practical  remedy. — 

(i)  Their  demands  are  extreme  and  impossible. — (x)  Radical 
socialism  cannot  be  established  by  revolution. 

II.  The  methods  of  the  Nihilists  are  unjustifiable.  (^) 

Their  methods  are  those  of  terrorism,  secret  murder,  and 

underhanded  conspiracy.  (^)  They  are  regardless  of  the 

sanctity  of  human  life.  (^)  They  adopt  any  means  what- 
soever to  accomplish  their  purpose. 

III.  The  result  of  the  Nihilist  agitation  is  only  to  make  the 

condition  of  the  Russians  worse.  (^z)  Each  outbreak  causes 

the  laws  to  be  enforced  with  greater  severity.  {I?)  The  bur- 
dens of  the  peasants  are  increased.  {c)  The  educated  class 

are  driven  from  the  country.  (d)  The  Czar  is  withheld 

from  any  reforms  which  he  might  wish  to  make. 


INJUNCTIONS  AGAINST  THE  ClilCAGO  STRIKERS.     1 9/ 


LXXV. 

THE  INJUNCTIONS  AGAINST  THE  CHICAGO  STRIKERS. 

Question  :  '  Resolved,  That  the  injunctions  issued  by  the 
federal  judges  against  the  Chicago  strikers  were  unjustifiable.' 

Brief  for  the  Affirmative. 

General  references  :  United  States  Strike  Commission, 
Report  on  the  Chicago  Strike ;  New- York  Tribune,  July  3, 
1894;  Albany  Law  Journal,  L.,  140-151  (September  i, 
1894);  Nation,  LIX.,  22-23  (July  12,  1894),  190-191 
(September  13,  1894). 

I.  The  injunctions  were  illegal :  Report  on  the  Chicago 

Strike,  p.  37.  {a)  They  transcended  the  fundamental 

purpose  of  injunctions:  Abbot' s  Law  Dictionary,!.,  611. — 
(i)  They  were  issued  primarily  to  protect  public  rights : 
Albany  Law  Journal,  L.,  147. — (2)  It  is  necessary  to  the  ob- 
taining of  an  injunction  that  there  should  be  no  plain,  adequate, 
and  complete  remedy  at  law  :  Bouvier' s  Law  Dictionary,  I., 

801.  {U)  They  infringed  upon  the  rights  of  citizens: 

Nation,  LIX.,   190.  {c)  They  were  without  precedent: 

Public  Opinion,  XVII.,  67,  68  (April  19,  1894).  {li)  They 

could  not  be  served  personally  :  Albany  Law  Journal,  L.,  147. 

II.  The  injunctions  were  unnecessary.  {a)  There  were 

adequate  remedies  at  law. — (i)  The  enforcement  of  the  Inter- 
state Commerce  Law,  and  of  mail  regulations :  Nation,  L. , 
22. — (2)  The  enforcement  of  insurrection  laws  :  Report  on  the 
Chicago  Strike,  p.  16;  United  States  Revised  Statutes,  §§ 
5298,  5299  ;  Nation,  LIX.,  22  ;  Public  Opinion,  XVII.,  330 

(July  12,  1894).  (J>)  It  would  have  been  necessary  in  any 

case  to  employ  federal  troops  :  Nation,  LIX.,  191. 


198 


MISCELLANEOUS. 


III.  The  injunctions  worked  positive  evil.  (^a)  They 

estabhshed  a  dangerous  precedent.  (/^)  They  tended  to 

incite  disorder. — (i)  They  weakened  the  confidence  of  work- 
ingmen  in  the  integrity  of  the  courts:  Nation,  LIX.,  191. — 
(2)  The  summary  proceedings  enraged  the  working  classes. 

Brief  for  the  Negative. 

General  references  :  New-  York  Tribune  (and  other 
leading  dailies),  June  22  to  July  13,  1894;  T.  M.  Cooley  in 
Forum,  XVLIL,  5-13  (September,  1894)  ;  H.  J.  Fletcher  in 
Atlantic  Monthly,  LXXIV.,  534-541  (October,  1894);  In- 
junctions in  New- York  Tribune,  July  3,  1894  ;  Liters  fate 
Commerce  Act,  February  4,  1887  ;  Judge  Grosscup's  charge 
in  New-York  Tj^ibune,  July  11,  1894;  Public  Opinion, 
XVII.,  306  (July  5,  1894),  330  (July  12,  1894). 

I.  The  injunctions  were  legal.  {a)  They  were  upheld 

by  the  federal  executive.  (F)  They  were  law  unless  set 

aside  by  a  superior  court. 

II.  The  injunctions  were  just  to  the  strikers.  {a)  The 

federal  courts  have  no  bias  against  either  laborers  or  railroads  : 
Decision  of  Judge  Caldwell  in  Atlantic  Monthly,  UXXIY 

535.  (/;)  The  injunctions  simply  gave  the  strikers  fair 

warning  of  what  to  expect  from  the  law. 

III.  The  injunctions  were  just  in  protecting  the  railroads. 

 (a)  The  government  compels  the  railroads  to  run  for  the 

public  good:  Liter  state  Commerce  Act ;  New- York  Tribune, 

July  4,  1894;  Atlantic  Monthly,  LXXIV.,  538.  {b)  The 

strikers  were  injuring  the  railroads:  Forum,  XVIII.,  6; 
United  States  Strike  Commission,  Report  on  the  Chicago  Strike. 

 (<r)  The  injunctions  were  the  only  peaceful  means  by 

which  the  government  could  lend  help  speedily. 

IV.  The  injunctions  were  just  to  the  general  public.  

{a)  They  were  the  best  means  for  the  government  to  adopt  to 
protect  the  public. — (i)  The  strike  was  doing  irreparable 


INJUNCTIONS  AGAINST  THE  CHICAGO  STRIKERS.  199 


damage  to  innocent  peoj^le  :  Report  on  the  Chicago  Strike^  p. 
14;  Forum,  XVIII. ,  5-13. — (2)  The  injunctions  were  the 

only  means  both  swift  and  peaceable.  {U)  The  increasing 

magnitude  of  railroad  strikes  demanded  a  vigorous  legal 
precedent  which  should  check  violence  and  protect  the  pub- 
lic: Forum,  XVIII.,  5-13. 


ADDITIONAL  TOPICS  FOR  DEBATE. 


POLITICS. 

1.  The  American  Republic  is  likely  to  endure. 

2.  The  present  tendency  in  the  United  States  toward  cen- 
tralization in  government  should  be  resisted. 

3.  The  evils  of  party  government  in  the  United  States  are 
inherent. 

4.  A  third  party  can  never  be  effective  in  American  poli- 
tics. 

5.  The  United  States  should  annex  no  more  territory. 

6.  The  United  States  should  annex  Cuba. 

7.  A  vigorous  enforcement  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine  is  de- 
sirable. 

8.  Suffrage  is  a  natural  right. 

9.  Suffrage  in  the  United  States  should  be  restricted  by  an 
educational  qualification. 

ID.  Voting  should  be  made  compulsory. 

11.  Criminals  should  be  disfranchised. 

1 2 .  Women  should  be  allowed  to  vote  in  school  elections. 

13.  Codification  of  the  common  law  is  unwise. 

14.  Judges  should  not  be  elected  by  popular  vote. 

15.  Unanimity  should  not  be  required  in  jury  verdicts. 

16.  Pensions  once  granted  cannot  lawfully  be  discontinued. 

17.  A  court  of  arbitration  should  be  estabhshed  for  the 
settlement  of  disputes  between  nations. 

18.  The  English  government  represents  the  wishes  of  the 
people  more  truly  than  the  government  of  the  United  States 
does. 


ADDITIONAL  TOPICS  FOR  DEBATE. 


20 1 


19.  A  country  is  best  governed  by  a  single  legislative 
chamber. 

20.  It  is  essential  that  the  upper  chamber  of  a  legislature  be 
chosen  in  a  different  manner  from  the  lower. 

21.  Some  method  should  be  adopted  by  which  minorities 
in  legislatures  can  be  represented. 

22.  Nations  are  best  governed  under  a  written  constitu- 
tion. 

23.  The  compact  theory  of  the  Constitution  is  not  defensi- 
ble. 

24.  The  Deity  should  be  recognized  in  the  Constitution. 

25.  It  should  be  possible  to  secure  amendments  to  the  Con- 
stitution more  easily. 

26.  All  indirect  elections  should  be  abolished. 

27.  A  national  bankruptcy  act  should  be  passed. 

28.  Uniform  usury  laws  are  desirable. 

29.  The  naturalization  laws  of  the  United  States  should  be 
made  more  stringent. 

30.  Congress  should  take  some  action  to  prevent  lynchings 
in  the  South. 

31.  An  amendment  to  the  Constitution  should  be  secured 
prohibiting  polygamy  in  the  United  States. 

32.  There  should  be  legislation  against  speculation  in  futures 
and  options. 

33.  Congress  should  subsidize  a  Pacific  cable. 

34.  Congress  has  no  pow^er  to  regulate  elections. 

35.  Congress  should  meet  biennially. 

36.  The  District  of  Columbia  should  be  represented  in 
Congress. 

37.  A  majority  only  should  be  necessary  to  pass  a  bill  over 
the  President's  veto. 

38.  The  growth  of  the  committee  system  in  Congress  is  un- 
fortunate. 

39.  Congress  should  assemble  on  the  first  Monday  in  Janu- 
ary, and  the  terms  of  senators  and  representatives  should 
expire  on  December  31st. 


202  ADDITIONAL  TOPICS  FOR  DEBATE. 


40.  Members  of  Congress  should  be  prohibited  from  specu- 
lating in  stocks. 

41.  The  contested  election  cases  of  members  of  Congress 
should  be  tried  before  the  Supreme  Court. 

42.  Congress  should  be  forbidden  to  pay  claims  legally- 
barred  by  lapse  of  time. 

43.  The  practice  of  granting  ^  leave  to  print '  should  be 
discontinued. 

44.  The  consent  of  the  Senate  should  be  necessary  for  the 
removal  of  presidential  appointees. 

45 .  States  should  be  represented  in  the  Senate  in  proportion 
to  their  population. 

46.  The  House  of  Representatives  meets  too  long  after  the 
election  of  its  members. 

47.  Congressmen  should  be  elected  for  three  instead  of  two 
years. 

48.  There  are  too  many  members  of  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives. 

49.  The  desks  should  be  taken  from  the  hall  of  the  House 
of  Representatives  and  benches  substituted. 

50.  The  President  and  Vice-President  should  be  elected  by 
direct  vote  of  the  people. 

51.  No  President  should  have  a  third  term. 

52.  Presidents  should  be  elected  for  a  term  of  seven  years 
and  should  be  ineligible  for  re-election. 

53.  No  President  should  be  allowed  to  serve  two  consecu- 
tive terms. 

54.  Presidents  should  be  allowed  to  veto  items  in  appro- 
priation bills. 

55.  The  term  of  the  President  should  end  on  the  30th  of 
April  instead  of  on  the  4th  of  March. 

56.  The  House  of  Lords  should  be  abolished. 

57.  Members  of  the  House  of  Commons  should  receive  pay 
for  their  services. 

58.  A  representative  should  vote  according  to  the  wishes 
of  his  constituency. 


ADDITIONAL  TOPICS  FOR  DEBATE. 


203 


59.  Rotation  in  office  is  imdesiral)le. 

60.  The  President,  the  Vice-President,  and  the  cabinet 
should  be  prohibited  from  taking  part  in  political  campaigns. 

61.  The  people  should  be  able  to  initiate  legislation. 

62.  The  referendum  should  be  adopted  in  the  United 
States. 

63.  The  governors  of  states  should  have  the  veto  power. 

64.  The  governors  of  states  should  not  have  the  pardoning 
power. 

65.  State  legislatures  should  assemble  biennially. 

66.  State  legislatures  should  be  prevented  from  interfering 
by  special  legislation  in  municipal  affairs. 

67.  Municipal  elections  should  be  held  at  different  times 
from  state  elections. 

68.  Municipal  misrule  in  the  United  States  is  due  to  the 
indifference  of  the  better  classes. 

69.  The  degraded  condition  of  American  city  governments 
is  due  to  foreign  immigration. 

70.  Immigrants  should  be  compelled  to  be  able  to  read  and 
write. 

ECONOMICS. 

71.  The  most  important  question  with  which  Congress  has 
to  deal  is  that  of  the  currency. 

72.  The  currency  of  the  country  should  be  regulated  by 
the  government  so  as  to  secure  greater  elasticity. 

73.  Governments  should  not  undertake  to  regulate  the 
supply  of  currency  within  their  territory. 

74.  StabiHty  in  a  currency  is  more  important  than  elasticity. 

75.  It  is  not  essential  for  a  currency  to  have  a  metallic  basis. 

76.  A  double  monetary  standard  gives  a  broader  basis  for  a 
currency  than  a  single  standard. 

77.  There  is  not  enough  gold  to  transact  the  business  of 
the  world. 

78.  The  price  of  gold  has  appreciated. 


204  ADDITIONAL  TOPICS  FOR  DEBATE. 


79.  There  has  been  a  general  fall  in  prices  since  1873. 

80.  The  currency  of  the  United  States  has  never  been  bi- 
metallic. 

81.  The  history  of  France  does  not  support  the  argument 
for  bi-metallism. 

82.  An  international  bi-metallic  agreement  is  feasible. 

83.  Congress  should  have  the  sole  power  to  coin  and  issue 
money. 

84.  Convertible  paper  currency  can  never  be  depreciated 
by  over-issue. 

85.  A  government  should  confer  on  no  coin  the  quality  of 
legal  tender. 

86.  The  issue  of  legal  tender  notes  during  the  war  should 
have  been  declared  unconstitutional. 

87.  The  issue  of  legal  tender  notes  during  the  war  was  ex- 
pedient. 

88.  The  government  should  retire  all  the  legal  tender  notes. 

89.  The  issue  of  the  treasury  notes  of  1890  was  inexpedient. 

90.  The  emergency  currency  of  1893  was  inexpedient. 

91.  The  recent  financial  difficulties  of  the  United  States 
government  have  been  due  to  a  deficient  revenue  and  not  to 
defects  in  the  currency  system. 

92.  The  methods  of  issuing  bonds  from  1891  to  1896  were 
improper. 

93.  The  government  should  loan  money  at  low  rates  of 
interest. 

94.  Savings  banks  should  be  operated  in  connection  with 
the  post-office. 

95.  People's  banks,  similar  to  those  in  Germany,  should  be 
established  in  the  United  States. 

96.  The  United  States  should  transact  its  business  through  a 
bank  organized  like  the  Bank  of  England. 

97.  National  banks  should  be  authorized  to  establish 
branches. 

98.  The  system  of  banking  reserves  in  the  United  States 
should  be  changed. 


ADDITIONAL  TOPICS  1  OK  DEBATE.  20$ 

99.  Our  present  system  of  bond  security  for  Imnk  -  notes 
should  be  changed. 

100.  Our  system  of  bank-notes  is  inferior  to  that  of  Ger- 
many. 

101.  The  safety  fund  system  of  banking  should  be  adopted 
in  the  United  States. 

102.  An  adequate  bank-note  currency  could  be  secured  by 
requiring  each  bank  to  pay  out  none  but  its  own  notes. 

103.  Foreign  trade  cannot  be  increased  by  legislative  en- 
actment. 

104.  Reciprocity  is  a  wise  means  of  encouraging  commer- 
cial expansion. 

105.  Commercial  reciprocity  between  the  United  States 
and  South  America  is  desirable. 

106.  A  protective  tariff  benefits  farmers. 

107.  A  protective  tariff  is  unconstitutional. 

108.  Trusts  are  the  result  of  a  protective  tariff. 

109.  Trusts  do  not  lower  prices. 

110.  Taxation  is  the  best  method  of  raising  revenue  to 
carry  on  war. 

111.  Direct  taxation  is  more  advantageous  than  indirect 
taxation. 

112.  The  internal  revenue  taxes  in  the  United  States  should 
be  abolished. 

113.  A  personal  property  tax  cannot  be  administered  with 
fairness. 

114.  There  should  be  a  tax  on  expenditures. 

115.  Church  property  should  not  be  taxed. 

116.  The  national  debt  should  be  paid  as  rapidly  as 
possible. 

117.  The  wages  fund  theory  is  not  sound. 

118.  The  wages  of  women  should  not  be  lower  than  those  of 
men  in  the  same  occupation. 

119.  The  standard  of  living  cannot  be  raised  without  rais- 
ing wages. 

120.  Wages  are  not  determined  by  demand  and  supply. 


206  ADDITIONAL  TOPICS  FOR  DEBATE. 


12  1.  The  economic  advantages  of  production  on  a  large 
scale  do  not  outweigh  the  disadvantages. 

12  2.  General  over-production  is  not  possible. 

123.  The  Interstate  Commerce  Act  has  been  detrimental 
to  the  business  interests  of  the  country. 

124.  Railroad  combination  cheapens  rates. 

125.  The  supremacy  of  England  as  a  commercial  nation  is 
not  likely  to  last. 

SOCIOLOGY. 

126.  The  state  should  never  undertake  anything  that  can  be 
performed  adequately  by  private  enterprise. 

127.  The  state  should  have  regard  for  the  moral  as  well  as 
the  physical  well-being  of  its  subjects. 

128.  All  large  corporations  should  be  regulated  and  con- 
trolled by  the  state. 

129.  The  nationalization  of  land  is  desirable. 

130.  Every  person  has  the  right  to  employment. 

131.  The  aged,  widows,  and  orphans  should  be  cared  for 
by  the  state. 

132.  The  blind  and  the  insane  should  be  cared  for  in  state 
institutions. 

133.  Governments  should  grant  old  age  pensions. 

154.  The  German  system  of  compulsory  insurance  should 
be  adopted  in  the  United  States. 

135.  Free  public  employment  bureaus  should  be  established 
by  each  state. 

136.  Employers  should  be  liable  for  the  life  and  health  of 
employees. 

137.  A  law  requiring  industrial  corporations  to  pay  wages 
weekly  is  desirable. 

138.  Children  under  fourteen  years  of  age  should  be  pro- 
hibited from  working  in  factories. 

139.  The  amount  of  wealth  transferable  by  inheritance 
should  be  limited  by  statute. 


ADDITIONAL  TOPICS  FOR  DEBATE. 


207 


140.  Convicts  should  not  be  employed  in  productive  labor. 

141.  The  plan  of  colonizing  convicts  is  wise. 

142.  Colonization  is  the  best  remedy  for  city  poverty. 

143.  Co-operation  furnishes  the  most  satisfactory  solution 
of  the  labor  problem. 

144.  Profit-sharing  in  the  United  States  has  not  been  suc- 
cessful. 

145.  Labor  should  be  paid  for  by  an  equal  amount  of  labor. 

146.  The  use  of  new  machinery  is  disadvantageous  to  the 
working  classes. 

147.  The  factory  system  has  been  a  benefit  to  the  working 
classes. 

148.  Strikes  are  productive  of  more  harm  than  good  to  the 
working  classes. 

149.  The  boycott  is  a  legitimate  weapon  of  labor. 

150.  Blacklisting  should  be  prohibited  by  law. 

151.  Overtime  and  piece-work  should  be  prohibited  by  law. 

152.  Trade  unions  are  the  outcome  of  the  mediaeval  gilds. 

153.  Labor  organizations  should  be  incorporated  under 
federal  and  state  laws. 

154.  Trade  unions  are  not  justified  in  restricting  the  num- 
ber of  persons  allow^ed  to  learn  a  trade. 

155.  Members  of  trade  unions  are  not  justified  in  refusing 
to  work  with  non-union  men. 

156.  Trade  unions  cannot  raise  wages  permanently. 

157.  Saloons  should  be  permitted  to  open  on  Sunday. 

158.  The  saloon  is  rightly  called  ^  the  poor  man's  club.' 

159.  Education  should  be  compulsory. 

160.  The  state  should  provide  for  technical  education  as 
well  as  for  liberal  education. 

161.  The  state  should  furnish  books  and  school  supplies  to 
pupils. 

162.  Sectarian  institutions  should  not  receive  state  aid. 

163.  Religious  teaching  should  be  given  in  primary  schools. 

164.  The  parochial  school  system  is  dangerous  to  American 
institutions. 


208 


ADDITIONAL  TOPICS  FOR  DEBATE. 


165.  Women  should  be  admitted  to  local  school  boards. 

166.  College  degrees  should  be  required  for  entrance  to 
professional  schools. 

167.  Students  should  have  a  part  in  college  government. 

168.  The  honor  system  of  conducting  college  examina- 
tions should  be  generally  adopted. 

169.  Greek-letter  societies  are  desirable  in  colleges. 

170.  Latin  and  Greek  should  not  be  required  studies  in 
colleges. 

171.  Admission  to  college  should  be  by  examination  only. 

172.  College  entrance  requirements  should  be  lowered. 

173.  Attendance  at  college  recitations  should  not  be  com- 
pulsory. 

174.  College  education  does  not  unfit  a  man  for  business 
life. 

175.  Small  colleges  are  preferable  to  large  ones. 

176.  The  faculties  of  colleges  should  supervise  and  control 
their  athletics. 

177.  Intercollegiate  athletic  contests  should  not  take  place 
outside  of  college  towns. 

178.  The  results  gained  by  college  settlements  do  not  jus- 
tify their  existence. 

179.  A  national  university  should  be  established  in  the 
United  States. 

180.  A  university  should  be  established  in  each  state,  which 
shall  have  no  duty  of  teaching  but  which  shall  have  the  sole 
power  of  examining  candidates  and  of  conferring  degrees. 

MISCELLANEOUS. 

181.  The  general  disarmament  of  European  nations  is  de- 
sirable. 

182.  The  standing  army  of  the  United  States  should  be  in- 
creased. 

183.  The  coast  defenses  of  the  United  States  should  be 
strengthened. 


ADDITIONAL  TOPICS  FOR  DEBATE. 


209 


184.  The  present  administration  of  the  Indian  service  is  not 
satisfactory. 

185.  Appointments  to  the  consular  service  should  be  made 
only  after  examinations. 

186.  The  scheme  of  transporting  the  negro  to  Africa  is 
practicable. 

187.  Service  pensions  should  be  granted. 

188.  Passengers'  baggage  should  be  exempt  from  duty. 

189.  The  Australian  system  of  registering  deeds  should  be 
adopted  in  this  country. 

190.  Child  life  insurance  should  be  prohibited. 

191.  The  metric  system  should  be  generally  adopted. 

192.  Arctic  exploration  has  not  been  justified  in  results. 

193.  The  Elgin  marbles  should  be  returned. 

194.  The  results  of  foreign  missions  do  not  justify  their 
continuance. 

195.  Church  unity  is  not  possible. 

196.  National  expositions  do  not  benefit  the  countries  in 
which  they  are  held. 

197.  Vivisection  should  be  prohibited. 

198.  Vaccination  is  inadvisable. 

199.  Cremation  should  take  the  place  of  earth  burial. 

200.  The  postage  on  letters  should  be  reduced  to  one  cent. 


INDEX 


A.  B.  degree,  three  years*  course 
for,  i8i 

Allegiance,  party,  22  ;  in  munici- 
pal elections,  24 

American  Protective  Association, 
19 

Annexation,  of   Canada,  59  ;  of 

Hawaii,  62 
Arbitration,  national  board  for  in 

railroad  disputes,  162 

Bank-notes,  tax  on  state,  93 
Bibliography  of  debating,  xli 
Bimetallism,  90 

Booth,  General,  employment  sys- 
tem of,  160 

Bounties  on  sugar,  112 

Bribery,  English  system  for  pre- 
venting in  elections,  47 

Brief  system,  xxv 

Cabinet,  in  Congress,  40 ;  system 
of  government,  37 

Canada,  annexation  of,  59  ;  reci- 
procity with,  102 

Capital  punishment,  57 

Caucus  system,  27 

Chicago  strikers,  injunctions 
against,  197 

China- Japan  war,  192 

Chinese,  exclusion  of,  73 

Cities,  executive  power  of  mayor 
in,  49 

Civil  service  reform,  44 
Closure  in  Senate,  83 
Co-education,  178 
Colleges,   co-education   in,    178  ; 

foot-ball  in,   184 ;  three  years* 

course  in,  181 


Commerce,  state  control  of,  129 
Congressional  government,  37 
Congressmen,  district  election  of, 

36 

Contract  system,  165 

Convict  labor,  165 

Copyright  law,  an  international,  80 

Corruption,    English  system  for 

preventing  in  elections,  47 
Criticism  of  debates,  xxxix 

Day,  an  eight-hour,  156 
Debate,  bibliography  of,  xli  ;  criti- 
cism of,  xxxix  ;  importance  of, 
xii  ;  limitation  of  in  Senate,  83  ; 
management  of ,  xxx;  practice  be- 
fore, xxviii 
Disfranchisement  of  negroes,  6 
Divorce,  federal  control  of,  142 
Duties,  on  ships,  104  ;  on  sugar, 
no ;  on  wool  and  woollens,  115 

Education,  state  control  of,  139 

Eight-hour  day,  156 

Elections,  federal  control  of  na- 
tional, I  ;  party  allegiance  in 
municipal,  24 

Electors,  choice  of  presidential,  30 

Employment  system,  General 
Booth's,  160 

Foot-ball,  184 
Free  trade,  96 

Gold  standard,  an  international, 

88 

Gothenburg  liquor  system,  176 
Governments,  cabinet  and  congres- 
sional, 37 


212 


INDEX. 


Hawaii,  annexation  of,  62 
High  license,  172 
Home  rule,  187 
Housing-  of  the  poor,  170 

Immigrants,  tax  on,  70 
Immigration,  restriction  of,  68 
Importance  of  debate,  xii 
Income  tax,  a  national,  117 
Independence  in  politics,  22 
Institutions,  danger  to  American, 
52 

Interstate  Commerce  Act,  amend- 
ment of,  137 

Ireland,  home  rule  for,  187  ;  Par- 
nell  and,  190 

Irrigation  works,  government  con- 
struction of,  144 

Japan,  war  with  China,  192 
Jury  system,  55 

Labor,  convict,  165  ;  organization 
of,  151  ;  party,  154 

Light,  ownership  of  plants  for  sup- 
plying, 132 

Liquor,  Gothenburg  system,  176  ; 
high  license,  172  ;  prohibition, 
172 

Management  of  a  debate,  xxx 
Manufactories,  state  ownership  of, 
129 

Materials,  xviii  ;  use  of,  xxiii 
Mayor,  executive  power  of  in  cities, 
49 

Ministers,  cabinet,  in  Congress,  40 
Monopolies,  ownership  of  natural, 
132  ;  prohibition  of,  134 

Navy,  increase  of,  78 

Negroes,  disfranchisement  of,  6  ; 

federal  protection  of  suffrage,  3 
Nicaragua  Canal,    United  States 

ownership  of,  65 
Nihilism,  195 
Nomination  by  caucus,  27 

Oleomargarine,  right  to  prohibit 
the  sale  of,  149 


Parnell,  Charles  Stewart,  and 
Irish  cause,  190 

Party,  allegiance  to,  22  ;  in  munic- 
ipal elections,  24  ;  a  labor,  154  ; 
Populist,  16  ;  Republican,  13 

Pensions,  policy  of  Republican 
party  regarding,  75 

Persuasive  speaking,  xxxv 

Pooling,  prohibition  of,  137 

Poor,  housing  of,  170 

Populist  party,  16 

Practice  before  debate,  xxviii 

Presidential  electors,  choice  of,  30 

Prohibition,  172 

Property  qualification  for  munici- 
pal suffrage,  11 
Protection,  96  ;  and  wages,  99 

Quarantine,  federal  control  of, 
146 

Questions,  selection  of,  xv 
Quorums,  the  counting  of,  85 

Railroads,  government  owner- 
ship of,  123 
Rebuttal,  xxxiv 
Reciprocity  with  Canada,  102 
Reed's  Rules,  present  quorum  in, 

Republican  party,  13  ;  pension  pol- 
icy of,  75 

Senate,  closure  in,  83 
Senators,  popular  election  of,  32 
Ships,  free,  104  ;   subsidies  for, 
107 

Silver,  further  coinage  of,  90 
Single  tax,  120 

Strikes,  compulsory  arbitration  in 
railroad,  162  ;  injunctions  issued 
at  Chicago,  197 

Subsidies,  shipping,  107 

Suffrage,  federal  protection  for 
negro,  3  ;  property  qualification 
for  municipal,  11  ;  woman,  8 

Sugar,  bounties  on,  112  ;  free, 
no 

Tariff,  free  trade,  96  ;  protection, 
96  ;  wages  and,  99 


INDEX. 


213 


Tax,  on  immigrants,  70  ;  income, 
117  ;  on  state  bank-notes,  93  ; 
single,  120 

Telegraph,  government  ownership 
of,  126 

Transportation ,  ownership  of  plants 

for  supplying,  132 
Trusts,  prohibition  of,  134 


Unemployed,  Ciencral  Booth's  sys- 
tem, 160;  municipal  aid  for,  168 

Wages,  tariff  and,  99 
Water,  ownership  of  plants  for  sup- 
plying, 132 
Woman  suffrage,  8 
Wool,  duties  on,  115 


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STUDIES  IN  AMERICAN  EDUCATION. 

By  Albert  Busiinell  Hart,  Ph.D.    i2mo,  cloth,  gilt  top,  $1.25. 

Contents  :  Has  the  Teacher  a  Profession  ? — Reform  in  the  Grammar 
Schools — University  Participation,  a  Substitute  for  University  Extension — 
How  to  Study  History — How  to  Teach  History  in  Secondary  Schools — The 
Status  of  Athletics  in  American  Colleges — Index. 

*'  This  volume  consists  ol  six  essays,  each  one  excellent  in  its  way." 

— Public  Opinion^  New  York. 

"  Prof.  Hart  is  a  keen  observer  and  a  profound  thinker  ;  he  knows  what 
American  education  is,  and  he  knows  what  it  ought  to  be  .  .  .  his  whole 
treatment  of  the  subject  is  vigorous  and  original.  .  .  .  He  has  a  most  helpful 
article  on  the  study  of  history,  and  another  equally  significant  on  the  teaching  of 
history  in  the  secondary  schools." — Beacon^  Boston. 

The  essays  on  'How  to  Study  and  Teach  History'  are  admirable.  As 
education  is  a  unit,  the  same  methods  can  be  applied  in  all  grades.  The  relation 
of  college  curriculums  to  secondary  schools  is  the  underlying  subject  of  the  book, 
but  it  is  still  an  open  question  whether  secondary  schools  should  justify  their 
methods  because  they  prepare  for  college,  or  whether  they  should  assume  the 
independent  position,  that  they  furnish  such  knowledge  as  is  most  requisite  for 
boys  and  girls  who  can  study  till  they  are  eighteen,  but  are  not  going  to  college. 
It  is  easily  possible  to  take  this  attitude  and  yet  have  a  preparatory  class  for 
Harvard  in  the  same  high  school." — Literary  Worlds  Boston. 

*'  As  for  the  essays  themselves,  however,  only  words  of  praise  ought  to  be 
spoken.  The  style  is  clear,  concise,  active,  enlivened  by  apt  illustrations ; 
*  breezy '  may  perhaps  be  the  word.  The  thought  is  practical  and  clear-headed, 
as  Professor  Hart  always  is,  and  the  essays  themselves  have  been  '  brought  down 
to  date.'  " — School  Review^  Hamilton,  N.  Y. 

*'  This  new  volume  from  the  experience  and  pen  of  Professor  Hart  is  one  of 
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one  most  interesting  to  the  general  reader  is  that  on  '  How  to  Study  History,'  and 
here  Mr.  Hart  shows  his  decided  preferences  for  the  topical  method  of  study. 
This  chapter  should  be  read  by  all  students  of  history  and  especially  by  those 
members  of  private  classes,  of  which  so  many  are  to  be  found  in  our  villages  and 
clubs  all  through  the  country." — Transcript^  Boston, 

*'  His  studies  have  a  decidedly  practical  tendency,  and  together  constitute  an 
addition  to  our  steadily  growing  stock  of  good  educational  literature." 

— Dial,  Chicago, 

"  The  author  is  especially  fitted  to  write  a  volume  which  has  the  rare  merit  of 
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but  also  of  the  pupil,  the  board  of  education  and  the  public  at  large.  The  book 
will  prove  specially  interesting  and  instructive  to  the  general  reader. ' ' 

Post  Graduate^  Wooster,  Ohio. 

''Whatever  Dr.  Hart  contributes  to  educational  or  historical  literature  is 
always  worth  reading,  and  teachers  will  find  these  essays  very  suggestive." 

School  Review^  Monroe,  La, 


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PRACTICAL   ESSAYS    ON  AMERICAN 
GOVERNMENT. 

By  Albert  Bushnell  Hart,  Ph.D.    i2mo,  cloth,  gilt  top,  $1.50. 

Contents  :  The  Speaker  as  Premier— The  Exercise  i)f  the  Suffrage — The 
Election  of  a  President — Do  the  People  Wish  Civil  Service  Reform  ? — The 
Chilean  Controversy — A  Study  in  American  Diplomacy — The  Colonial  Town 
Meeting — The  Colonial  Shire — The  Rise  of  American  Cities — The  Biography 
of  a  River  and  Harbor  Bill — The  Public  Land  Policy  of  the  United  States — 
Why  the  South  was  Defeated  in  the  Civil  War—Index. 

"  Dr.  Hart  demonstrates  by  this  book,  as  we  think  no  one  else  has  so  well 
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**The  book  is  a  solid,  substantial,  and  most  satisfactory  piece  of  honest 
work.  The  author  has  selected  his  sheaves  with  excellent  judgment,  and 
threshed  the  grain  out  of  them  to  the  very  best  of  his  ability.  There  is  no  eye- 
service  in  it — no  paragraph  written  to  round  out  an  article  or  help  fill  the  pages 
of  a  magazine.  Prof.  Hart  has  worked  for  his  readers  with  a  will,  and  there  is 
no  reader  so  well  informed  on  the  topics  of  the  book  that  he  will  not  find  it 
interesting,  suggestive,  and  instructive.  .  .  .  Take  the  masterly  exposition 
of  one  of  the  most  important — many  people  will  say  the  most  important— of 
American  public  questions,  the  exercise  of  the  suffrage.  It  will  astonish  almost 
every  reader  that  such  a  wealth  of  thought,  research,  and  information  can  be 
compressed  into  the  limits  of  such  an  article,  and  yet  be  interesting,  clear,  and 
indeed  attractive." — Nation, 

Practical  essays  are  difficult  undertakings  ;  it  is  hard  to  always  distinguish 
between  fact  and  theory  ;  and  to  present  the  one  effectively  and  eliminate  the 
other  successfully.  Professor  Hart  seems  to  have  attained  a  high  degree  of 
proficiency  in  this  accomplishment,  and  his  *  Practical  Essays  on  American 
Government '  will  commend  themselves  to  statesman,  citizen,  and  student  alike. 
.  .  .  The  essays  are  all  remarkable  for  the  foresight  and  intuition  they  dis- 
play."— Nassau  Literary  Magazine, 


BOSTON. 

By  Henry  Cabot  Lodge,  author  of  "  Life  of  Alexander  Hamilton," 
"  Daniel  Webster,"  "  George  Washington,"  "  A  Short  History  of  the 
English  Colonies  in  America,"  etc.  {Historic  Towns.)  Second  Edition. 
With  two  Maps.    i2mo,  $1.25. 

Mr.  Lodge  writes  with  the  ease  of  one  to  whom  the  subject  in  its  larger 
aspects  is  familiar." — Atlantic  Monthly, 

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'  Historic  Towns  '  series,  is,  notwithstanding  its  limitations,  a  sincere  and  strik- 
ing book.    .    .    .    Two  excellent  maps  accompany  the  volume." 

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